non.copyriot.com https://non.copyriot.com Mon, 18 Nov 2019 16:12:32 +0000 de-DE hourly 1 https://non.copyriot.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/non-plus_s.png non.copyriot.com https://non.copyriot.com 32 32 Grünen-Parteitag: Die “Tesla-Partei” will an die Macht https://non.copyriot.com/gruenen-parteitag-die-tesla-partei-will-an-die-macht/ Mon, 18 Nov 2019 16:12:29 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12166

Über 20 Jahre ist es her, da versank ein Parteitag der Grünen in
Bielefeld fast im Chaos und stand mehrmals kurz vor dem Abbruch.
Höhepunkt war der Wurf eines Farbbeutels ins Ohr des damaligen
Bundesaußenministers Josef Fischer. Der war noch nicht lang im Amt und
war mit seinem sozialdemokratischen Koalitionspartner für den Krieg
gegen Jugoslawien verantwortlich.

Die Frage, ob die Grünen, die mal aus der deutschen Friedensbewegung
hervorgingen, Deutschland wieder kriegsfähig machen sollen, schien die
Partei an den Rand der Spaltung zu bringen. Viele sahen vor 20 Jahren
gar das baldige Ende der Grünen kommen. Nun tagt der Bundesparteitag der
Grünen wieder in Bielefeld und dort wird nun diskutiert, wer von beiden
Vorsitzenden sich besser für eine Kanzlerschaft eignet.

Natürlich Annalena Baerbock, die auch mit fast 97 % die meisten
Stimmen für die Fortsetzung ihrer Arbeit als Parteivorsitzende bekommen
hat. Es wäre ja auch schwer denkbar, dass ausgerechnet die Grünen, die
so viel von Geschlechtergerechtigkeit reden, nach der Merkel-Ära einen
Mann als Kanzlerkandidaten bewerben würden. Ansonsten ist bei den Grünen
fast alles vorstellbar - vor allem aber eine Koalition mit den
Unionsparteien.

Das ist schon lange der Wunsch der führenden Grünen. Darauf arbeiten sie seit mehreren Jahren hin. Nach den letzten Bundestagswahlen hat die FDP das noch verhindert. Dass jetzt sogar im Nachbarland Österreich die dortigen Grünen mit einer ÖVP, die unter der Ägide Kurz eindeutig einen Rechtsschwenk gemacht hat, über eine Regierungskoalition verhandeln, gibt den schwarz-grünen Koalitionsträumen noch mehr Aufwind.

Partei des postfossilen Kapitalismus

Nun werden sich viele fragen, woher kommt der Aufschwung einer
Partei, die vor 20 Jahren fast am Boden lag? Das liegt weniger in den
Politikern, die dort in der letzten Zeit das Sagen haben, auch wenn der
Hype um das gegenwärtige Führungsduo fast grenzenlos ist, wie auch die
Ergebnisse für beide Parteivorsitzenden zeigten. Der Aufschwung der
Grünen hat eine materialistische Erklärung: Sie ist die Partei der neuen
Akkumulationsphase des Kapitalismus, die gerne postfossile genannt
wird.

Das wird auch an der Begeisterung grüner Politikerchargen deutlich,
als Tesla bekannt gegeben hat, sein Werk in Brandenburg zu errichten.
Aus Kapitalsicht ist das verständlich. Schließlich garantiert der
Standort, dass billige Arbeitskräfte aus Polen, Berlin und Brandenburg
ihre Arbeitskraft dort vernutzen können. Dass Tesla für seine
Gewerkschaftsfeindschaft bekannt ist, hemmt die Begeisterung grüner
Politiker nicht. Zumindest gibt es kritische Nachfragen, warum Grüne
einen nun gar nicht besonders umweltfreundlichen Konzern derart umwerben.

Tatsächlich ist das Verhältnis des postfordistischen Kapitalismus zur
Umweltbewegung taktischer Natur. Wenn es gegen die fossile Industrie
geht, werden schon mal Argumente der Umweltbewegung übernommen. Wenn es
um die eigene Ökobilanz geht, sieht es schon anders aus. Nun ist es auch
kein Zufall, dass in den letzten Monaten die ökologische Frage eine
solche Dominanz angenommen hat. Dass die Inwertsetzung der Umwelt durch
den Kapitalismus problematische Folgen hat, ist seit Jahrzehnten
bekannt.

Spätestens seit den 1970er Jahren werden die konkreten Folgen für die
verschiedenen Tiere und die Regenwälder auch präzise anhand von Studien
belegt. Die aktuelle Dringlichkeit, die das Thema bekommen hat, liegt
auch daran, dass die Umweltfolgen jetzt ein Argument gegen den fossilen
Kapitalismus sind. Auch das sehr unreflektierte Gerede vom "alten,
weißen Mann" hat seine Ursachen.

Damit kann die Arbeiterbewegung des fossilen Kapitalismus entsorgt
werden und die erkämpften Erfolge der alten Arbeiterbewegung gleich mit.
Wenn heute führende Konzerne die Regenbogenfarbenfahne wedeln und in
ihren Werbebroschüren zeigen, wie divers und vielfältig sie in ihrer
Belegschaft sind, dann ist ein Politiker der Grünen nicht weit, der
gleich eine neue Ära von Demokratie ausruft.

Dabei zeigen die Werbebroschüren erst einmal nur, dass den Konzernen
egal ist, welche Hautfarbe oder sexuellen Präferenzen die Menschen
haben, die in ihren Unternehmen ihre Arbeitskraft verkaufen. Hauptsache,
sie organisieren sich nicht und gründen keine Gewerkschaften und
fordern keine höhere Löhne. Dann würden sie ja in die Fußstapfen der als
alt und weiß verschrienen Arbeiterbewegung treten. Die Grünen können am
Glaubwürdigsten die Propaganda der postfordistischen Mythen und
Legenden vertreten, ohne rot zu werden.

Daher haben sie aktuell Konjunktur und daher ist es auch gut möglich,
dass sie bald gemeinsam mit der Union und vielleicht der SPD als
Juniorpartner die Regierung stellen werden. Allerdings wird es auch
weiter Konflikte geben. Denn die Grünen stehen in direkter Konkurrenz
mit den Politikern verschiedener Parteien, die den fossilen Kapitalismus
weiter am Leben halten wollen. Denen wird dann natürlich vorgeworfen,
sie seien umweltfeindlich, nicht divers und vielfältig genug.

Aggressive Standortverteidigung unter grüner Ägide

Auch die künftigen Grünen werden immer um die Verteidigung von
Menschenrechten bemüht und von Diversität geführt werden. Denn man
sollte sich schon mal auf größere außenpolitische Konflikte einstellen,
wenn die Grünen mehr in der Regierung mitzubestimmen haben.

Sie sind schließlich heute die aggressivste Fraktion des deutschen
Kapitals. Die Fama von Offenheit und Anything Goes hat ihre Grenzen,
wenn irgendwo linke Alternativen den Kapitalismus insgesamt infrage
stellen, oder wenn es um innerkapitalistische Konkurrenz geht. Dafür
kann man gute Beispiele anhand jüngerer außenpolitische Ereignisse
anführen.

So setzte sich keine prominente Stimme der Grünen für die Linke in
Bolivien ein, die sicher auf Grund vieler eigener Fehler von einer
revanchistischen Rechten von der Regierung verdrängt wurde. Dabei hat
die Regierung unter Ego Morales erst dafür gesorgt, dass auch in der
Verfassung des Landes die Rechte der Indigenen festgeschrieben wurden
und auch der Schutz der Umwelt wurde zumindest theoretisch mehr
beachtet.

Wenn es also um die Verteidigung von Diversität gegangen wäre, hätte man bei aller Kritik an Morales ganz klar, die Verfassung gegen die Rechten in Bolivien verteidigen müssen. Davon hat man aber nichts bei den Grünen gehört.

Dagegen verteidigen Teile der Grünen die Aufständischen in Hongkong
bedingungslos, auch wenn dort offen prokolonialistische Kräfte stärker
werden und dort militante Angriffe auf Polizei und staatliche
Einrichtungen ausgeübt werden, die die Grünen selbst in ihrer
rebellischen Frühphase in Deutschland nie verteidigt hatten.

Der Kommentar,
der kürzlich in der Taz zu den Hongkong Unruhen zu lesen war, zeigt
auch, wie man dabei die aktuellen Linke zum Feind macht und noch die
deutsche Kolonialgeschichte entschuldigt, die aufzuarbeiten, den Grünen
ja eigentlich ein Anliegen sein müsste.

Ausnahmsweise soll mal eine längere Passage des Kommentars zitiert
werden, weil hier deutlich wird, wie deutsche Geschichte entsorgt wird.

"Was Anklänge an Xian Jining hat, der jüngst verkündete,
Separatisten würden "die Knochen zu Staub zermahlenen", soll aus dem
Mund des Linken-Politikers nur bedeuten: Wir haben einst Schuld
aufgeladen, und sollten nun den Mund halten. Dass man durch Wegsehen im
Heute die historische Schuld von Morgen erschafft, weiß er als Deutscher
hoffentlich.

Frank Steffel (CDU) gab den Fatalisten: Hongkong sei schwach, auf das
Festland angewiesen und ohnehin verdammt, in naher Zukunft im
großchinesischen Reich aufzugehen - "Eine Unabhängigkeit Hongkongs zu
fordern, ist mehr als unrealistisch." Dabei bringt er - unbewusst? -
dass Narrativ der chinesischen Staatsmedien ins Spiel. Separatismus
kommt allerding entgegen den gebetsmühlenartigen Behauptungen aus Peking
in den fünf Forderungen der protestierenden Mehrheit noch immer nicht
vor. Auch an anderer Stelle ist Steffel eher am Puls der
Staatspropaganda: Die Proteste seien, wo sie gewalttätig werden, "zu
unterbinden". Dass die Eskalationsspirale erst begann, nachdem man in
Hongkong statt auf Dialoge auf Knüppel und Tränengas setzte, und eine
immer gewaltbereitere Polizei immer weniger zur Rechenschaft gezogen
wird, blendet er aus.

Das große Hindernis liegt aber wohl weder in der Gewalt noch in der
Kolonialschuld oder der vermeintlichen Aussichtslosigkeit, sondern in
der Angst, den Wirtschaftspartner China zu vergraulen. "Wir müssen im
Hinblick auf unser Verhältnis mit China Wirtschafts-, Außen-und
Sicherheitspolitik und Menschenrechte zusammendenken", sagt Metin Hak
Verdi. Und dann bemüht er die alte, abgegriffene, wirklich nicht mehr
haltbare Phrase vom "Wandel durch Handel", den "wir unbedingt weiter
fortsetzen" müssten. Dabei sind in Wahrheit wir es, die uns unter der
wirtschaftlichen Abhängigkeit Chinas langsam zum Schlechten wandeln.
Unsere Unternehmen üben Selbstzensur, wenn Peking poltert, man hätte mit
einem Dalai-Lama-Zitat die "Gefühle des chinesischen Volkes verletzt".
Unsere Politiker lassen Freiheitsrechte nur noch in Worten, jedoch nicht
mehr in Taten anklingen.

Malenki Bischoff, Taz

Das ist keine offizielle Stellungnahme der Grünen. Aber in dem Text
in einer grünennahen Zeitung sind alle Elemente einer aggressiven
Strategie des deutschen Kapitalis in der gegenwärtigen
Akkumulationsphase enthalten, wenn es darum geht, Konkurrenten im
globalen Weltmaßstab die Grenzen zu zeigen.

Der chinesische Kapitalismus gehört nun zu den größten Konkurrenten. Wenn solche Strategen mehr Einfluss auf die Außenpolitik in der Deutsch-EU haben, könnte man sich wünschen, diejenigen hätten Recht behalten, die den Grünen 1999 ein baldiges Ende prophezeiten.

taken from here

Der Beitrag Grünen-Parteitag: Die “Tesla-Partei” will an die Macht erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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“Saam Baa” in Hong Kong – Three Strikes Paralyze the City https://non.copyriot.com/saam-baa-in-hong-kong-three-strikes-paralyze-the-city/ Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:57:33 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12162

On Saturday, unarmed soldiers of China’s
People’s Liberation Army cleared street barricades close to Baptist
University that had been erected by protesters in the past days – the
first know deployment of the Chinese army in connection with the protest
movement. After a turbulent week, the situation calmed down slightly on
Friday and Saturday. While protesting students gave up the occupation
of Chinese University in Shatin on Friday evening, the clashes
concentrated around other barricaded universities and Mongkok which has
seen repeated confrontations and tear gas attacks recently. On Sunday,
the police used armored cars, water cannons, teargas, and rubber bullets
to attack Polytechnic University in Hung Hom, apparently the last
occupied university that has been heavily barricaded and was defended by
hundreds of student protesters. In districts nearby, other protesters
erected barricades and fought with security forces. Until Monday
morning, the police was not able to take over Polytechnic University but
surrounded it – with presumably hundreds of protesters still inside.

The new escalation of the past week is
connected to events the week before. On Friday, November 8, a 22-year
old student died after he had earlier fallen down a floor in a building
during a police attack. On the same day, it became know that a 16-year
old women had been raped by several police officers after her arrest.
The police denies the allegation. Heavy clashes between security forces
and the “black bloc” followed during the following weekend. On Monday,
November 11, a “general strike” and traffic blockades had already been
planned. After an attempted street blockade, a policeman shot two people
in Siu Sai Wan, one of whom seriously. In Kwai Tong, a traffic cop on a
motorcycle repeatedly drove through a group of protesters and seriously
injured one person. On Tuesday, police forces tried to enter Chinese
University in Shatin through a bridge after protesters had thrown
objects on the highway underneath. For hours, the police shot teargas –
all in all well more than 1.000 rounds – and rubber bullets while the
protesting students defended themselves with Molotov cocktails and more.

Traffic blockades

These events mobilized many for the
actions planned for Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last week under the
slogan “saam baa” or “three strikes” – workers’ strike (baa gung), class
boycott (baa fo), and the closure of businesses (baa si). Starting in
the early morning, protesters blocked Hong Kong’s subway or MTR (in
leaflets also called “empty R”), used by millions daily to get to work.
At the same time, many streets were blocked so that the traffic broke
down in many places and buses could not get through either. Many people
in Hong Kong did not get to their work places (or arrived late), some
office workers were asked to work from home, others used the chaos to
have a free day or take part in protests.

In Central, the banking- and business
district, thousands of office workers took part in illegal
demonstrations and street blockades. Several times in the past weeks,
masked office workers had staged protest demonstrations in the morning
from the subway to their work places in office towers. Most of them are
young, so they belong to the masses of those who get a (precarious) job
after their studies or work training but they cannot afford renting
their own flat. In the past week, they met during their lunch break at a
junction on Pedder Street, waited until they reached a critical mass,
and then occupied the street, blocked the traffic, built barricades from
rubbish bins and construction materials or dug up paving stones and
piled them up to the meanwhile characteristic “mini-Stonehenges” in
order to prevent police vehicles from advancing. On some days, the
police attacked them and made arrests.

Less successful was the call on shops
and restaurants to close during the days of the “general strike.” During
the past weeks, protesters had begun to make lists and maps with shops
and restaurants that support them (“yellow”) and those who stand on the
side of the government and the police (“blue”). In several districts,
cues of people supporting the movement have formed outside “yellow”
places while “blue” ones have been boycotted and face attacks during
clashes. On Monday, several “yellow” restaurants closed and hung up
solidarity declarations, but most restaurants and shops stayed open.

Class Boycott

High-school and university students have
belonged to the core and motor of the movement in the past months. On
Monday, they staged class boycotts in many schools and universities, and
after the police attack on Chinese University several other
universities were occupied on Tuesday and Wednesday. In Polytechnic
University, Chinese University, and City University masked students in
black began to collect materials for the defense against expected police
attacks. They built brick walls, prepared cases of Molotov cocktails,
and barricaded roads and bridges leading to the campus. Many people came
from outside and brought them needed gear like helmets, gas masks, and
umbrellas as well as food, clothes, and more. The campus exits were now
guarded, bags checked, and only students, some supporters, and
journalists could enter. Since the city government first suspended class
and later declared that it would end the semester immediately, many
university employees left the campus. Students and supporters took over
some of the canteens and other university facilities. The early end of
the semester also meant that many students (including those from China)
packed their suitcases and left, partly out of fear that the police
would attack. Around the university campus, protesters built more
barricades and sealed off roads. Close to Chinese University, a highway
was blocked, and next to City University a highway and the entrance to
the Harbour Tunnel, one of the main traffic arteries in the city.

Uprising in the Districts

It is notable that for weeks militant
demonstrations and blockades have also taken place in Hong Kong’s
suburbs. That is partly due to the frequent closure of the MTR in the
evenings. The subway company became a target of the movement in the
summer when it started closing subway stations in “riot” areas following
police orders as it made it more difficult for protesters to escape.
Since then, exits, ticket machines, and whole stations have been
destroyed. The closure in the evenings means that many people cannot
reach the city center anymore. Activists reported that local
communication structures have consolidated and more local actions have
been organized since. Among these rebellious districts are Tuen Mun,
Yuen Long, Sheung Shui, Tai Po, and Tung Chung where also many workers
from poorer parts of the population live. During local actions some of
them join the high-school and university students of the “black bloc.”
In Yuen Long, for instance, last week several blockades of the main
shopping street took place, when hundreds destroyed facilities of the
light rail system as well as Chinese banks and shops. The police
attacked them with teargas, cleared the barricades, and went back to the
police station, but the protesters frequently came out again.

Still Broad Support for the Movement

The “saam baa”-actions were so
successful that they were continued on Thursday and Friday. After the
two-million-march on June 16, the parliament storm on July 1, the attack
by triad members on protesters in Yuen Long on July 21, the “general
strike” on August 5 and the severe clashes on the 70th anniversary of
the founding of the People’s Republic on October 1, the past week is
another culmination and probably turning point of the movement. It is
still supported by large parts of the population that sees the “black
bloc” as the front line of a legitimate uprising. The increased
repression and brutality from the side of the police plays a big role
here. More than 4,000 people have been arrested so far. About 40 percent
are high-school or university students. Many of the arrested report
beatings and acts of sexualized violence by police officers. Minors have
been sent to foster homes for weeks as a punishment. Most
demonstrations are banned, and participants risk years in prison. Still,
thousands ignore this regularly, and even the ban of masks declared in
early October is largely ignored. In the eyes of many people in Hong
Kong, the police as well as other state institutions have lost their
legitimacy.

The clashes have also led to a deep
division in the society as a part of the population has sided with the
city government – and therefore with the right-wing government of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Beijing which controls the government
in Hong Kong. In the past few weeks, groups of these “pro-Beijingers”
have helped cleaning streets after clashes and organized smaller
demonstrations. Frequently, violent fights break out between individuals
or smaller groups with injured on both sides. On November 11, for
instance, a “pro-Beijinger” was spilled with an inflammable liquid and
set on fire, and one day later a 70-year old was hit by a brick thrown
by a supposed protester. The old man died later.

Uprising with Unknown Outcome

What has developed in Hong Kong in the
past six months is not just a movement but a popular uprising against
the governments in the city and Beijing. The increasing intervention of
the authoritarian regime China’s, police repression, and the refusal of
the city government to fulfill the demands of the protesters – no
charges against them, an independent inquiry into police violence, and
“free” elections – have led to the escalation. Representatives of the
CCP leadership still declare that the protesters were “terrorists” and
“thugs” and the movement was controlled by “black hands” of the CIA.

The uprising is no revolution as the
exploitative capitalist relations are not questioned and the movement’s
demand stay largely reformist so far. However, the broad
self-organization, the refusal of representation (by politicians or
others), and the solidarity networks that carry the movement undermine
existing social structures at some points and make way for new social
connections. Left-wing activists underline the “collective intelligence”
that shows up in the movement’s structures and communication and push
it forward. Problematic are still the racist positions of parts of the
movement, above all against migrants from China. However, there are
anti-racist tendencies in the movement, too.

Still unclear is, whether protesters in Hong Kong will see more connections with the current wave of uprisings around the globe. So far, mostly references to the Yellow Vests and the movement in Catalonia have been made.

taken from here

Der Beitrag “Saam Baa” in Hong Kong – Three Strikes Paralyze the City erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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9th Evade Chile Communiqué: They want to give us lectures on violence! (english/ deutsch) https://non.copyriot.com/9th-evade-chile-communique-they-want-to-give-us-lectures-on-violence/ Sun, 17 Nov 2019 12:12:58 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12157

The following was sent to us earlier today (11/13) by Evade Chile
2019. What follow is a translation of their message, followed by a
translation of their communiqué.


Comrades,

Faced with these adversarial moments, only solidarity & mutual aid could give us encouragement.


[FRONT IMAGE]

IT WASN’T A DROUGHT

IT WAS A LOOTING

1

IT WASN’T PEACE

IT WAS SILENCE

#ElPuevlo

2


[BACK IMAGE]

“Divide and conquer” was the advice a police officer gave to the rich
some 500 years ago and they’ve never forgotten it. The satraps3 in turn find themselves everywhere overwhelmed. Today
they can only resort to terrorism, staging of false scenes and
manipulation by way of their usual conduits: their armed forces, their
means of (in)communication and their political theater.

They want to lecture us about violence! They say
that “violence breeds violence” and they are not wrong. 5 minutes of
life can feel eternal when you live in misery. But we have woken up. And
in response to our outbreak of life, power then sets up another spectacle:
whether by evicting encampments [of the houseless]; building ghettos
where they keep us prisoners; seizing control of territories of those
who stand up to fight against self-destructive inertia. It is
those who cling to this barbaric civilization whom, systematically &
an in organized fashion, set fire & destroy to defend their
poisoned piece of the pie.

They want to lecture us about citizenship! They
affirm: “Today’s easy choice is to use force and that the difficult one
is to bet on Peace and dialogue. But of what peace do they speak of? We
lived drunk with the frustrating rage of a war of all against all:
fighting for a job or trying to make ends meet; struggling to breathe
amid clouds of dust & acid in the cities; struggling to get a bit of
water in the fields. It was not peace, it was silence: the good citizen eats and remains quiet. We would die the way we were living. And now that we deign raise our heads and wake up they aim for our eyes!

They want to divide us! They are scandalized because
their monuments to violence are falling down: busts of genocidal
soldiers; torture enclosures; cathedrals to a Macho God and the God of
Money; palaces that the rich build to numb us with an endless supply of
commodities. They exploit us and then sell the products of our labor. But
despite all the their influence, street lights and bread & circuses
with which they want to adorn it tall, the world has not ceased to be a
great salt mine of which most of us are servants.

They plundered the forests, the rivers, the lakes and the ocean with
their logging, salmon farms and agribusiness. They polluted the desert
and converted into a dump for the mining industry. They transformed
cities into gas chambers and cancer factories. They exterminated
ancestral cultures. They disappeared, killed and terrorized any villager
who dared to question them and accuse them of abuses. But we
are not afraid of them or their destruction. We have built everything
that belongs to them and we will rebuild it in our own way, according to
our needs, desires and in harmony with Mother Earth, which sustains us.
After the fire we will sprout like a native forest.

It does not matter how much lead they fire upon us. Detached from the pain of everyday misery, our stagnant energy is poured into pure creativity and celebration. Although there is no guarantee of a final victory over the dictatorship of money, this rupture has already been pleasure. There is not return to the “peaceful existence” of the reigning lies.

taken from here


Das Folgende wurde uns heute (13.11.) von Evade Chile 2019 geschickt.
Es folgt eine Übersetzung ihrer Nachricht, gefolgt von einer
Übersetzung ihres Kommuniqués.

Ursprünglich veröffentlicht von ediciones-ineditas. Übersetzt von Enough 14.

Genossen,

Angesichts dieser feindlichen Momente kann uns nur Solidarität und gegenseitige Hilfe Mut machen.

(BILD VORDERSEITE)

ES WAR KEINE DÜRRE.
ES WAR EINE PLÜNDERUNG.

1

ES WAR KEIN FRIEDEN.
ES WAR SCHWEIGEN.

#ElPuevlo

2

(BILD RÜCKSEITE)

„Teilen und Erobern“ war der Rat, den ein Polizeibeamt*in den Reichen
vor etwa 500 Jahren gab, und sie haben ihn nie vergessen. Die Satrapen 3
wiederum sind überall überfordert. Heute können sie nur noch
auf den Terrorismus, die Inszenierung von falschen Szenen und
Manipulationen über ihre üblichen Kanäle zurückgreifen: ihre
Streitkräfte, ihre Kommunikationsmittel und ihr politisches Theater.

Sie wollen uns Vorträge über Gewalt halten! Sie
sagen, dass „Gewalt, Gewalt erzeugt“ und sie liegen nicht falsch. 5
Minuten des Lebens können sich ewig anfühlen, wenn Mensch im Elend lebt.
Aber wir sind aufgewacht. Und als Reaktion auf unseren Ausbruch des
Lebens richtet die Macht dann ein weiteres Spektakel ein: ob durch die
Vertreibung von Camps[der Obdachlosen]; den Bau von Ghettos, in denen
sie uns gefangen halten; die Übernahme der Kontrolle über die Gebiete
derer, die sich erheben, um gegen selbstzerstörerische Trägheit zu
kämpfen. Es sind diejenigen, die sich an diese barbarische
Zivilisation klammern, die systematisch und organisiert Feuer legen und
zerstören, um ihr vergiftetes Stück vom Kuchen zu verteidigen.

Sie wollen uns über die Staatsbürgerschaft belehren!
Sie bestätigen: „Die heutige einfache Wahl ist, Gewalt anzuwenden, und
die schwierige ist, auf Frieden und Dialog zu setzen.“ Aber von welchem
Frieden sprechen sie? Wir lebten betrunken von der frustrierenden Wut
eines Krieges alle gegen alle: um einen Job zu kämpfen oder zu
versuchen, über die Runden zu kommen; inmitten von Staub- und
Säurewolken in den Städten zu atmen; um ein wenig Wasser auf die Felder
zu bekommen. Es war kein Frieden, es war Schweigen: Der gute Bürger*in isst und bleibt ruhig. Wir würden so sterben, wie wir leben. Und jetzt, wo wir den Kopf erheben und aufwachen, zielen sie auf unsere Augen!

Sie wollen uns spalten! Sie sind empört, weil ihre
Denkmäler der Gewalt einstürzen: Büsten von Völkermord-Soldatinnen;
Foltergehege; Kathedralen für einen Macho-Gott und den Gott des Geldes;
Paläste, die die Reichen bauen, um uns mit einem endlosen Vorrat an
Waren zu betäuben. Sie nutzen uns aus und verkaufen dann die Produkte
unserer Arbeit. Aber trotz all ihres Einflusses, ihrer
Straßenlaternen und Brot & Zirkusse, mit denen sie es in die Höhe
treiben wollen, hat die Welt nicht aufgehört, ein großes Salzbergwerk zu
sein, von dem die meisten von uns Dienerinn*en sind.

Sie plünderten die Wälder, die Flüsse, die Seen und den Ozean mit
ihren Abholzungen, Lachsfarmen und Agrobetrieben. Sie verschmutzten die
Wüste und verwandelten sie in eine Deponie für die Bergbauindustrie. Sie
verwandelten Städte in Gaskammern und Krebsfabriken. Sie vernichteten
die Kulturen der Ureinwohnerinnen. Sie entführten, töteten und terrorisierten jeden Dorfbewohnerin, der es wagte, sie zu hinterfragen und sie des Missbrauchs zu beschuldigen. Aber
wir haben keine Angst vor ihnen oder ihrer Zerstörung. Wir haben alles
gebaut, was ihnen gehört, und wir werden es auf unsere eigene Weise
wieder aufbauen, nach unseren Bedürfnissen, Wünschen und in Harmonie mit
Mutter Erde, die uns erhalten bleiben wird. Nach dem Brand sprießen wir
wie ein Urwald.

Es spielt keine Rolle, wie viel Blei sie auf uns feuern. Losgelöst
vom Schmerz des alltäglichen Elends, wird unsere stagnierende Energie in
reine Kreativität und Begeisterung gegossen. Obwohl es keine Garantie
für einen endgültigen Sieg über die Diktatur des Geldes gibt, war dieser
Bruch bereits ein Vergnügen. Es gibt keine Rückkehr zur „friedlichen
Existenz“ der herrschenden Lügen.

Der Beitrag 9th Evade Chile Communiqué: They want to give us lectures on violence! (english/ deutsch) erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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Marx and Credit https://non.copyriot.com/marx-and-credit/ Sun, 17 Nov 2019 09:06:32 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12077

As a pure form of the "alienation of the capital relationship", as Marx writes, money and capital markets emerge, which today confirm day by day that credit money, government bonds and synthetic securities as fictitious or speculative capital determine the economy in the last instance. And when Vilém Flusser writes that the wooden spoon has become a pale shadow of the software program from which it originated (Flusser 1995: 189), today the so-called real economy coagulates into a super-pale shadow of synthetic finance, which does not function as a derivative as commonly assumed, but conversely makes the real economy its derivative. Synthetic finance, with its unbelievable simulation potential that indicates immense effectiveness, is much more "real" than the real economy. We will come back to this several times in this paper. In view of an algebra of capitalization with which financial economists today actually want to manage to calculate a present capital value to the second from the discounting of the expected return in the future, Marxist economists must no longer describe this type of economy solely in terms of the critical reproduction, however it may be, of the derivation or optional unfolding of Marxian categories, as Marx, for example, does in Bd. 3 of capital in order to insist on the analysis of the much invoked economic surface (forms of movement of plural capital/total capital). Nor is it a matter of outsourcing the analysis of fictitious/speculative capital, so to speak, by doing empirical research on "financial regimes and globalization"; rather, Marxist analysis and criticism should finally no longer shy away from devoting itself comprehensively to the phenomenon of monetary capitalization with all its monstrous forms of influencing, determining and encircling industrial capital or the "real economy". It really doesn't help to complain about the constant reference back to previous stages of derivation with regard to the analysis of the only extremely rudimentarily developed forms of capital in the third volume of capital, by arguing, for example, that fictitious capital and its forms are ultimately nothing other than derived forms of interest-bearing capital, whereby the so-called "capital of the real economy" is not the only form of capital that can be derived from the "capital of the real economy". Hegellinken even assumes that the concept of value pushes qua dialectical contradiction to the concept of capital up to the unfolded forms of fictitious capital, and in particular it seems quite annoying if the dialectic theoretical representation of capital is underpinned by a dialectical, real-historical process of capital movement. Marx's problem of representation is not based on a continuous enrichment of derivation steps, but on the respective discursive levels within the framework of problem constellations conceptual constellations are developed and at the same time previous conceptual positionings are destroyed or deconstructed. On the other hand, many Marxists still see themselves forced, for example, to assume a "speculative identity" between measure and value in money, which sets the automatic subject capital with its three forms of money in motion, as if Hegel's world spirit had actually experienced its resurrection in Marx's concept of capital, for which, however, Marx's text provides numerous proofs. Ultimately, it is perhaps Luhmann's underground Hegelianism that approaches the so-called pure forms of capital movement closer than Hegel-Marxism itself has done so far. (Cf. Schwengel 1978) When Marx often constructs breaks, translations and transitions in capital by stating a problem or a (logical) indeterminacy to the categorial representation on a specific level, which virtually challenges the transformation or break with the previous theoretical representation, this kind of fractal, or rather broken, systematics cannot be retroactively transformed into Hegel's motion logic in such a way that the dissolution of fixed forms within the framework of a sliding process (of concepts) always leads back to a logical center, even if it is that of a conceptual motion figure such as contradiction or the system itself. Rather, Marx often does nothing in capital other than formulate certain conceptual levels of capital with their relatively autonomous relations, elements and functional relations as problematics and constellations of concepts, in order to carry out analysis and critique according to the symptoms of the reality of capital, so that Marx's texts cannot be regarded precisely for this reason as a completed theoretical production, the structure of which must always only be specified ex post by, for example, creating new empirical investigations or even theoretical set pieces from Marx's minoritarian texts.

In capitalism, productions and the corresponding monetary transactions must constantly take place, and if this procedure is interrupted for whatever reason, then the companies lose money or assets, and this is exactly the empty space into which the credit springs, which finally makes it possible to anticipate or prefer both production and purchase/sale of goods. Thus the current payments of a debtor who enters into a credit relationship can be substituted by the creditor for a certain period, and this always happens under the condition that at a contractually fixed point in time the creditor-debtor accounts are settled (with which the principle repayment of the debts remains assumed). With the establishment of the capitalist credit system, a clear temporal tendency towards acceleration develops within the framework of the stabilization of differential capital accumulation, because the functioning capital, as Marx has called industrial capital in its analytical separation from financial capital, is now able to make new investments on the basis of the credit at an early stage, i.e. before it even has at its disposal sums of money resulting from the sales of the package of goods produced in a given production period. The acceleration, expansion and growth of the capitalist economy cannot be understood without the presence of the capitalist credit system. And one should make sure that this credit system is not regulated by the state (qua central bank) or by a certain community, but takes place in between the social and economic relations of capital, because no political system is or has been able to construct or design the credit system according to its own disposition or factor in the long run, it can only guarantee the legal framework for the credit system, so that the political system and its strategies always remain dependent on the economy of the credit system. Under the credit system, the self-utilization of capital no longer appears as the result of a "will to accumulation," but rather, from now on, differential accumulation in and with its (non-ontological) incompleteness becomes totally compulsive, with the final payment apparently being postponed indefinitely. At the same time, however, it must be taken into account that credit includes a specific temporal relation between finiteness and infinity, namely to domesticate the caesura of anticipation and postponement in the credit business for the individual case in such a way that at a certain point in time the debts are actually repaid. The credo of the credit included in it really has it in itself, insofar as even debts can continue to circulate as claims in the form of securitisations, without there in the iterative concatenations still without further a last addressee would be to be still determined, whom one could draw for the immanent risk possibilities within the creditor debtor concatenation to the responsibility. Crediting is and remains a matter of time, i. e. it is to be assumed that scheduling takes precedence over contingency by stopping it if, for example, temporary work must simply be carried out in the course of credit fulfilment, which at this point prevents the free fall into infinity or timelessness.

Lyotard has attempted in his writing on the libidinal economy to give a concise definition of credit money: "Real capital money is not a treasure, nor an earth, but a relationship - a power relationship, for one must have the power to give something in advance by granting credit, and the power to profit from it by proving oneself solvent; but it is also a relationship of the separation of desire from oneself, of the inhibition and rejection of libidinal energies […] capitalist money is in a sense only given and withdrawn time, anticipated and retarded time. Money is an erotic and deadly affair." (Lyotard 1984: 288) Then Lyotard asks himself how a system (which, among other things, controls and regulates itself through the use of permanently newly added axiomatics) constantly contains goods of which it is not yet certain whether they have a monetary equivalent or a monetary value. The companies that are able to produce, or that are able to produce, are updated in circulation, or how a company can succeed in making new investments without the corresponding money already being booked in the company's accounts at the beginning of the new production period through the sale of goods produced in a previous production period.

The question of investing in fixed capital, which companies apply over several production periods, whereby it only gives its value to products in time packages or intervals, leads directly to the problem of financing, because groups or dominant companies in particular invest in a large and capital-intensive stock of fixed capital (e.g. B. factory halls and machines), which in turn requires the use of large amounts of money capital - and these monetary means could hardly be raised by companies of a certain size under the specific capitalist production conditions of the 19th and 20th centuries purely with the means of self-financing. The Marxist economist Ricardo Bellofiore responds to this problem within the framework of his "macroeconomic-monetary reconstruction of the value theory based on abstract labour" (cf. Bellofiori 2011: 306ff.) as follows: The amount of money lent by a bank to an enterprise (but it can also be the self-financing of the enterprise) so that it can open the next production period is ex ante still without "value", since this money is not about the realization of goods; rather, the money advanced by the banks is initially based purely on their own calculatory analyses, which focus on the expected return of the enterprise to be credited and are thus based on an always uncertain "ex ante validation of production". (ibid.: 323) (The bank would have to lie in the sender's position if it claimed that it could see everything and keep it transparent with regard to the future of the recipient himself).

Let's take a closer look at the process: The exploitation of money capital is called process as end in itself - money that creates more money - i. e. the reality of capital is the power of money as such. If one now extracts a quite decisive section of the permanently running capital metamorphoses within the diverse accumulation cycles, then certain places in them are occupied by subjects by actively assuming a role and also playing through it. The place of capital is occupied per se by at least two subjects, namely the money capitalist and the functioning capitalist, so that from the outset one must not abstract from the circulation of interest-bearing capital.

With the disbursement of the loan, the company can lease out wage earners and purchase machines, raw materials, buildings, etc., in order to be able to count on the realization of profits in the circulation after the end of a coming production period, so that in the end it only becomes apparent ex post whether the company was actually able to realize satisfactory profits in order to at least repay the loan plus interest to the bank from the profit. Here the doubling of the capital is shown as the division of the gross average profit realised by the reproductive capital into net profit and interest. Money is given a new purpose in credit, namely as potential capital that has the utility value to function purely as money capital, with Marx describing interest-bearing capital as a commodity whose price is interest. And the advance money capital, increased by the industrially produced profit, may after a successfully completed period of production and circulation of the individual capital either be reinvested in production or optionally invested in the financial markets, and then possibly flow back again into the "real economy". A sharp conceptual separation of real and financial economy seems impossible from the beginning of the internal history of capitalism; on the contrary, capitalist economy permanently follows the monetarization as if money had to be constantly injected into it from the outside, with which the extreme risk of a dissemination of money as capital already appears, which in interest-bearing capital is oriented toward purely monetary utilization with regard to concentration on future interest payments, without apparently taking the detours of production. (Cf. Deleuze/Guattari 1974: 305f.) The functions of the credit system as an institutional ensemble of the banking sector and the money capital markets consist, among other things, in distributing money capital and thus enabling the corresponding equalization movements of the profit rates, which assert themselves through differential accumulation, more quickly. The credit system must therefore be regarded sui generis as a structural instance for accelerating, regulating and controlling all reproductive processes in capitalism. When Marx speaks of money capital as a source of production, then he refers to precisely this connection, insofar as the credit system fulfils the above functions within the framework of socio-economic development.demand for liquid capital and therefore cannot determine the profit that the productive capital generates. (Cf. Mandel 1991) To the extent that money is held as collateral, the supply of money can be reduced by increasing the savings ratio, whereupon the interest rate normally rises. Keynes has pointed out this fact, linking it to the willingness of wealthy actors to forego immediate liquidity (interest is the price of this foregoing; liquidity premium), while Marx ties the movement of the interest rate more strongly to the competition between capitalist creditors and debtors and thus to the cyclical cycles of accumulation (while in the crisis the interest rate rises, it is low in prosperity). Interest thus functions as a medium that conveys the present and the future on the one hand, and links the sphere of production and the monetary sphere on the other. On the other hand, it articulates options and allocative functions with regard to investment decisions that are held in readiness by the institutions of fictitious and speculative capital per se. Although Marx sees the allocative or regulating function of the interest rate, which is determined by its amount, he clearly prefers the distributive function of interest, i.e. the aspect of splitting into interest and corporate profit. (Profit rate and interest rate are linked with regard to the allocative function of the interest rate in such a way that, for example, even profitable investments can fail to materialise if the required interest rate is too high.)

The capital always operates with the code profit/non-profit, whereby asset and capital values are normally destroyed in loss transactions, at least to the amount of the interest that the company owes itself or the borrowed capital. If a company produces goods or services, then one must therefore first of all regard the money capital that initiates the production as negative capital, which the company virtually lends to itself or from other companies/banks in order to repay it as repayment of the loan plus interest. Since no enterprise, be it industrial or mercantile, can initiate reproductive production processes without borrowing money capital, it must calculate the "price" of the money capital, the interest, as costs, as advance costs, even if the enterprise only uses equity capital (in this case the enterprise has to pay the interest itself as capital property). Thus the owners of capital remain continuously induced to treat equity as debt. In the economic calculation, interest does not only appear as a cost parameter and this as a constitutive element of the market price, but the interest rate is also regarded as an alternative utilization rate for newly invested money capital and thus influences the future accumulation of capital in its allocative function. With the help of calculations that are estimated as opportunity costs in the business calculation, the company is forced to permanently check whether it has missed or missed better opportunities due to the respective capital input/investment. It is therefore always necessary to take into account the interest rate that is possible in principle, but which may not have been realised, when planning investment decisions. To calculate the profitability of reproductive investments, companies use various financial mathematical methods of investment calculation, e.g. the net present value method and the internal rate of return method. In the business planning calculation, the net present value is usually used to estimate future investment projects. By determining a time point t0, the net present value of an investment is calculated using the discount factor: 1/1 + market rate of interest. This can easily be related to the capitalization formula of Bichler/Nitzan: With this, the value of the respective investment is calculated as a relation of interest rate r (expected profits) and current profits E, so that the following formula is obtained: K = E/r. (Bichler/Nitzan 2009: 185) Accordingly, capital would actually not be to be understood as an (absolute) positive value, as Schumpeter himself, for example, still assumed, but as a relational dimension, whereby the intensional negative (of capitalized money that does not belong to any quantity of goods) is to be understood as a positive condition for capitalist production, as Peter Ruben, for example, explained - capital or capitalization is also debt production sui generis. (Ruben 1998: 53) In many cases, one can see that

Because of its incredibly believable ability to lend, money capital seems to generate an increase in itself, proportional to the time it is borrowed (termination). Money capital as credit thus transforms itself into a social machine that first and foremost sets and presupposes the relationships, encounters and power relations of the various capital fractions by simultaneously, with its radically self-referential forms of movement, rendering unrecognizable the transits, transformations and translations (production) necessary for the multiplication of money. (Cf. Perniola 1998: 80f.) For Marx, filtering out this meant deciphering the fact that the structural fixation of the quantitative division of gross profit into corporate profit and interest leads to a qualitative division, insofar as one can divide the two parts of profit into independent (institutional and legal) areas. It seems that the two parts of the profit actually come from two different sources, as if the interest-bearing capital, which involves the separation between the ownership of monetary capital and functioning capital, is not presupposed to be the profit of the reproductive capital, but is itself the sole source of interest and entrepreneurial profit. (MEW 25: 383f.) Whereas financial capital is now interested exclusively in the exploitation of its money capital, the interest for the acting capital appears as a cost factor, so that the structural split of corporate profit and interest simultaneously articulates itself as an internal class opposition between two different capital fractions within the ruling class. Furthermore, at this point the corporate loan is to be defined as an advance which, to speak once again with Bellofiori, at least with regard to industrial production, makes the distinction between paid/unpaid labour and unpaid labour, respectively, the difference between the two categories of capital. between necessary labor/overtime, whereby profit/interest, which industrial capital has to discard with its utilization, is based on the specificity of a capitalist production process in which dead, past labor comes into contact with living labor, which in turn is made unrecognizable by the credit business with its pure money-money translations.

The credit relation between financial and functioning capital generates a sum of money anticipating the production and realization of goods, whereby the money borrowed from an industrial enterprise for the purpose of organizing and carrying out production processes is present as a negative value to it and therefore logically appears in the enterprise's books under the title "Debet". In Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze/Guattari speak of an "instantaneous creative stream of indebtedness" with regard to the economy of the banks, which the banks generate, among other things, against themselves and which is inscribed on the body of bank capital as negative money, which is recorded as a liability on the liabilities side of the balance sheets. (Deleuze/Guattari 1974: 305) Capital thus always represents the indebtedness of an enterprise either to itself (equity capital) or in relation to borrowed capital, whereby the enterprise must then realize at least repayment and interest on the borrowed money by means of production processes and the sale of goods, and this includes the generation of profit, which according to Marx splits into interest and corporate profit. (MEW 25: 386)

For Marx's theory of interest, it is therefore constitutive to fix interest as a part of profit or added value, from which the division of the gross profit rate into the rate of entrepreneurial profit (net profit rate) and the interest rate results. (ibid.: 388) The long-term average interest rate must be below the gross profit rate. At the same time, Marx defines interest rates as a purely monetary category, similar to Keynes and the post-Keynesian theory, which remains outside the real economic processes and cannot be directly influenced by them. Thus, economic theory succeeds in taking into account influencing variables such as the policies of central banks or the determination of the risk potential of money capitalists with regard to the development of differential capital accumulation and its monetary articulations. Here Marx assumes a "trilateral distribution conflict" (Hein) between industrial enterprises, financial capital and wage earners, with which he immediately addresses the relationship between industrial profit rate, interest rate and real wage, which always remains related to the differential accumulation of capital. Ernest Mandel has pointed out that only with Keynes would it have become clear again within the bourgeois economy that interest rates as a result of the movement of supply and demand for liquid capital and therefore cannot determine the profit that the productive capital generates. (Cf. Mandel 1991) To the extent that money is held as collateral, the supply of money can be reduced by increasing the savings ratio, whereupon the interest rate normally rises. Keynes has pointed out this fact, linking it to the willingness of wealthy actors to forego immediate liquidity (interest is the price of this foregoing; liquidity premium), while Marx ties the movement of the interest rate more strongly to the competition between capitalist creditors and debtors and thus to the cyclical cycles of accumulation (while in the crisis the interest rate rises, it is low in prosperity). Interest thus functions as a medium that conveys the present and the future on the one hand, and links the sphere of production and the monetary sphere on the other. On the other hand, it articulates options and allocative functions with regard to investment decisions that are held in readiness by the institutions of fictitious and speculative capital per se. Although Marx sees the allocative or regulating function of the interest rate, which is determined by its amount, he clearly prefers the distributive function of interest, i.e. the aspect of splitting into interest and corporate profit. (Profit rate and interest rate are linked with regard to the allocative function of the interest rate in such a way that, for example, even profitable investments can fail to materialise if the required interest rate is too high.)

The capital always operates with the code profit/non-profit, whereby asset and capital values are normally destroyed in loss transactions, at least to the amount of the interest that the company owes itself or the borrowed capital. If a company produces goods or services, then one must therefore first of all regard the money capital that initiates the production as negative capital, which the company virtually lends to itself or from other companies/banks in order to repay it as repayment of the loan plus interest. Since no enterprise, be it industrial or mercantile, can initiate reproductive production processes without borrowing money capital, it must calculate the "price" of the money capital, the interest, as costs, as advance costs, even if the enterprise only uses equity capital (in this case the enterprise has to pay the interest itself as capital property). Thus the owners of capital remain continuously induced to treat equity as debt. In the economic calculation, interest does not only appear as a cost parameter and this as a constitutive element of the market price, but the interest rate is also regarded as an alternative utilization rate for newly invested money capital and thus influences the future accumulation of capital in its allocative function. With the help of calculations that are estimated as opportunity costs in the business calculation, the company is forced to permanently check whether it has missed or missed better opportunities due to the respective capital input/investment. It is therefore always necessary to take into account the interest rate that is possible in principle, but which may not have been realised, when planning investment decisions. To calculate the profitability of reproductive investments, companies use various financial mathematical methods of investment calculation, e.g. the net present value method and the internal rate of return method. In the business planning calculation, the net present value is usually used to estimate future investment projects. By determining a time point t0, the net present value of an investment is calculated using the discount factor: 1/1 + market rate of interest. This can easily be related to the capitalization formula of Bichler/Nitzan: With this, the value of the respective investment is calculated as a relation of interest rate r (expected profits) and current profits E, so that the following formula is obtained: K = E/r. (Bichler/Nitzan 2009: 185) Accordingly, capital would actually not be to be understood as an (absolute) positive value, as Schumpeter himself, for example, still assumed, but as a relational dimension, whereby the intensional negative (of capitalized money that does not belong to any quantity of goods) is to be understood as a positive condition for capitalist production, as Peter Ruben, for example, explained - capital or capitalization is also debt production sui generis. (Ruben 1998: 53) In many cases, one can see that once from the self-financing of the enterprises, capitalist production processes uno actu with a credit contract set in motion. Thus in capitalism the continuous iteration of payments, that spiral of solvency and insolvency, is opened that resembles more a logarithmic spiral than a circle (the circle is a special case of the logarithmic spiral, namely a spiral whose growth equals zero).

The sociologist Dirk Baecker writes with regard to the introduction of double-entry bookkeeping, quoting Sombart, that the "capitalist enterprise is simultaneously called company, ditta and ratio in different European languages". (Baecker 2011) Because an entrepreneur with his signature ("firma") guarantees to treat debt capital as equity capital (and vice versa), he is creditworthy ("ditta"), whereby the break ("ratio") between debt capital and equity capital appears necessary at least as an analytical prerequisite for the existence of the company and then the reasonable, calculating and calculating performativity of money "in the network of factually, socially and temporally determined opportunities". (Ibid.) Double-entry bookkeeping, invented in 1494 by Luca Pacioli, a Franciscan monk, professor of mathematics and friend of Leonardo da Vinci, should be seen in this context as an achievement of civilisation, whereby this type of economic recording system actually makes it possible to record assets as debts and debts as assets, so that money capital always appears under two aspects in the balance sheet: a) as equity or debt capital, which is made available for use under specified modalities (liabilities), and b) as application of the corresponding monetary capital (assets). This calculation language, which according to Baecker contains both a positive language (affirmation of facts) and a negative language (revaluation of facts), refers in turn to the power relationship between creditor and debtor already mentioned above in Lyotard's text, whereby credit questions are always also questions of ownership and time-indexed questions of coding, indeed questions of writings, whose virtualization, however, today can hardly be tamed through all axiomatizations, if, for example, credits multiply like chain letters. And all this would not have been possible without the introduction of the Arabic numerals in the northern Italian region of the 14th century, since only in and with the Arabic numerical system did zero become conceivable as a meta-number, and thus a fact that had not previously been possible for occidental thought in this way: a number that, like money, means nothing but produces the meaning of all other numbers, a meta-sign or an empty sign that allows having to be set off at the same time as not having as every item of assets at the same time as liabilities. (ibid.) (In the balance sheet of a company, not only are flows such as income and expenditure compared, but also stock figures are shown in their relations; the changes in stock result from the flows).

The creditor-debtor relation is always dependent on forces acting within the power relations of actors who enter into these relations as legally fixed owners or as non-owners. The sociologist Gabriel Tarde has already described every fixed price, wage or interest as a dispute that is frozen for the moment and that could break out again at any time, if the appropriate means of power were used. (Cf. Latour/Lepinay 2010: 71f.) Although even narrower intervals apply to the range of the interest rate in contrast to other economic variables related to the future, such as yield or profit (with Marx's assumption, the interest rate that must be paid by a company can only oscillate between zero and the average profit rate, cf. MEW 25: 370), it is above all the fluid competitive and power relations between the various dominant and less dominant capital fractions that determine how high the current interest rate is within a given interval, in addition to the policies of state institutions such as the central bank. The fixing of the interest rate by supply and demand for money capital points to the degree of utilization of the interest-bearing money capital itself, whereby the interest rate is regarded as the excrement of an advance sum of money, so that the interest rate is also evidence that the money capital now enters into a relationship with itself without the detours of production. In the capital markets, something like an average of the interest rate is determined by the supply of and demand for money capital, whereby these markets are divided into the so-called money market, the market for short-term money capital, and the capital market, the market for long-term money capital.

It is therefore also necessary to distinguish between an average money market interest rate and an average capital market interest rate, the latter generally being higher than the former. Within the different sections of the capital markets, interest rates differ according to the power relations, which are expressed in the creditors' capacity to act and the debtors' creditworthiness. And in contrast to an empirically undetectable average profit rate, the fluctuating interest rates can be written down as variables at any time with a given maturity and creditworthiness.

When Deleuze/Guattari write that it is in some way the banks that reproduce both the economic system and the wishful occupation, then libidinous economic processes are incessantly mobilized with the credit relation, which presupposes a specific form of trust and faith on the part of the creditor and the promise of future profits on the part of the (industrial) debtor.(Deleuze/Guattari 1974: 295) And thus the specifically capitalist, the anonymous credit, which incidentally has nothing to do with mere usurious transactions at all, becomes an essential condition of capitalization in general, by increasing the potency of each functioning capital to possibly be able to produce profitably in the future, whereby it can relatively free itself from dependence on the successes already achieved on competitive markets. Precisely because the correction mechanisms of competition as the dominant market structure in capitalism (as opposed to the monopoly) impart certain exploitation structures and dimensions to individual capital (the market here is neither to be thought of as a deviation nor purely as an execution of the capital relationship), although the capital ratio determines the market in the last instance), no (industrial) enterprise seems to be able to do without borrowing, and this in structural dependence on financial capital, which itself functions as tearing (in the double sense of sweeping along or tearing apart) money capital flows that the banks create as debts to themselves, d. The (industrial) enterprise is not able to do without borrowing. h., They thus deepen a negative money in order to project positive money out of it (credit that the banks grant to the functioning capital.) And we do not want to forget from the outset that credit relationships in capitalism always include relationships of power between actors, for example. This type of credit relationship plays a not insignificant role in capitalism, so that it can be stated with Maurizio Lazzarato that consumer loans today imply a largely deterritorialized and transversal power relationship that the dualisms productive/unproductive, consumer/enterprise, labor/unemployment, etc., are based on. The dualisms become increasingly fluid, in order to ultimately cross almost all strata of the population and their subjectivations. (Lazzarato 2012: 85) Finally, it should be noted that, from the perspective of the lender (as the personification of interest-bearing capital), the money lent is per se treated as capital - initially regardless of whether a borrower uses the money lent for investments, to finance pensions or to buy a new car, which of course also implies that the borrower does not necessarily have to function as an industrial capitalist.

The fact that an (industrial) enterprise in the function of the borrower must measure its realised profit against the (negative) total advance of the invested capital (equity plus borrowed capital) corresponds to the securitised right of the lender to a sum of money which implies a contractually fixed growth rate of its borrowed money, which, according to Marx, must in turn be paid out of the profit of the operating enterprise, irrespective of the amount and rate of the profit or whether it came about at all. The profit or return that the company wants to secure or increase by taking out a loan is at the same time regarded as the legally fixed obligation of the credited business relationship, with which the power relationship between lender and borrower and the resulting struggle for the level of interest is put on a permanent footing. The temporary renunciation of the lender's own money capital and the associated deferment of payment are to be compensated, which means nothing more than that the lent capital is to be increased, namely with the exact proportion contractually fixed in the interest rate. And in order to minimise uncertainties of any kind in this lending business, it seems necessary to negotiate the conditions of the granted loan precisely, securities, maturities, interest rate, Project planning of production, investment projects etc. Although the borrower can now immediately dispose of the negotiated sum of money with the conclusion of the loan agreement, the bank will check its securities and at the same time evaluate the purpose of the loan before fixing it contractually, after which the parameters such as term, interest conditions, etc. are finally fixed. And thus the power of disposal of the acting capital over the borrowed money appears limited from the outset, because with the securities the bank holds more than just the pure legal claim to repayment of the loan and the corresponding interest payments, so that in the event of insolvency of the acting capital the bank mutates into the new owner of the industrial enterprise, i.e. credit coagulates into the equity capital of the bank.

If a credit agreement is now concluded between two owners (e.g. between financial and functioning capital), the industrial capital (as debtor) receives a certain sum of money and thus gains a new freedom of disposition, while the creditor lets himself be compensated for the renunciation of his property as well as his property premium, which he has accrued by borrowing the money, "replaced" rate by rate with the right to more - by the interest.1 The debtor, insofar as he functions as an industrial enterprise or as a service enterprise, is simultaneously granted time with the sum of money (every loan is in the medium of time) to make new investments, to set new projects in motion and consequently also to realise these (and this always in competition with other debtors on the markets) in order to repay more money to the lender by the end of the agreed credit period than he received from it at the beginning of the credit agreement. When the credit agreement comes into force, the creditor owes the lender a sum of money and the debtor undertakes to pay interest in proportion to time and to repay in due time the sum agreed in the credit agreement which has been paid out, a strange equivalence which is put into practice, for quite contrary to the equivalent exchange, this non-equivalence has its (last) measure of the repayment guarantees of the debts projected into the future, whereby the corresponding dispositives, as Nietzsche has already shown, sometimes proceed with extreme force in order to finally force repayment. (Cf. Lazzarato 2012. 49f.) (Credit agreements are recording areas in which repayment and payment of interest are determined in detail, so that the credit thus defined can be split into a large number of equal parts. On the one hand, this ensures that the debtor's credit terms do not change as a result of the resale of a borrower's note; on the other hand, creditors know exactly what they can demand from a debtor, i.e. they only have to assume a tranched default risk by assuming a certain share of the credit.) In this transaction, therefore, by no means equivalent amounts of money are exchanged, but rather sums of money against the right/obligation to increase them. In the sense of assignment and counter-assignment, time is also exchanged by the creditor lending time, while the counter-assignment is extended in time as repayment of the loan and payment of interest, the debtor is granted the deferment of time to realize his projects, whereby the promise of repayment extends to a calculated and at the same time unforeseeable future. This includes the bifurcation of the debtor, who is unable to assess even the unpredictable or to smooth out or even eliminate the differences between the two futures. The time in which the money is blocked for the owner is initially lost to him as if he himself had blocked the money, and exactly this is to be compensated with the respective interest payments of the debtor, while the debtor remains compelled by the time constraint of the money, which is written down in the loan agreement and generates a specific time pressure, to operate the production, the flow of living labor as coupling to the movement of the machinery, as economization of resources, project planning, and technical innovation, etc. The debtor is forced to use the time constraint of the money, which is written down in the loan agreement and generates a specific time pressure. (Cf. Lyotard 1989: 284)

Marx essentially presents three functions of credit: (a) maintaining and extending the accumulation of capital, (b) shortening the turnaround and circulation times of capital, and (c) enabling the production of average profit rates in and between different sectors. (Cf. MEW 25: 451f.) In the latter case, Marx sees the decisive function of credit in enabling profits to be transferred from the sector in which they were generated to a more profitable sector As a result, at the level of total capital, capital transactions can interlock more quickly on the basis of credit, while at the level of individual capital the realization of goods in money is anticipated by commercial credit and at the same time the phase of formation of money capital upstream of production is substantially shortened by investment credit, which in turn can accelerate the accumulation processes of total capital, but does not necessarily have to accelerate them, because under certain conditions crediting also leads to deceleration or disruption of the accumulation process. Marx writes: "The necessary tendency of capital, therefore, circulation without circulation time, and this tendency is the basic determination of credit and credit contrivances of capital". (MEW 42: 50) In this context, the immanent size growth of the individual capital, the associated high share of fixed capital and the increasing demands on logistics and research imply that any delay in the turnover of capital puts the existence of the company at risk, whereby, after all, ever larger sums of money capital are necessary in order to continue one's own business at all. The higher the capital expenditure (high fixed cost block) or the stronger the companies are coupled to the circulation (transport, warehousing, unsaleability of goods etc.), the more necessary it becomes to train a complex credit system in capitalism.

To sum it up. As a rule, the investments of the acting individual capital are oriented to the relation between the expected profit rate and the current interest rate, whereby the latter reveals something like a measure of the minimum return initiated by an investment in a coming period. According to Marx, the intra- or intersectoral average profit rate represents the upper limit for the interest rate in each case, since the interest rate is ultimately to be paid from the profits realised by the companies. According to Marx, this division of profit into interest and entrepreneurial profit is regulated by "no general law", but follows the cyclical and cyclical fluctuations of capital accumulation as well as the constantly changing relationship between supply and demand for money capital, the institutional conditions of the banking system and, last but not least, the historical power relations between the classes and class fractions. (MEW 25: 376) The Marxist economist Anwar Shaikh, who has presented comprehensive analyses of the structural conditions as well as the historical development of capital accumulation and profit rates in the USA, writes: "What stimulates accumulation is not the profit rate but the profit rate net of the cost of borrowing capital, ie the interest rate. If the profit rate is flat and interest rates are falling, the incentive to accumulate is kept alive, though it's kept alive artificially "2 Ultimately, according to Shaikh (disregarding the mass of profit), it is the current interest rate at which the individual capital orients itself with regard to its own profitability analyses and which influences its investment decisions. If interest rates are also low at given low profit rates, companies may be able to prolong their liquidation, which Shaikh calls artificial accumulation of capital. However, the opposite case can also be assumed: As long as an extraordinarily high industrial profit rate far exceeds the interest rate, it can even be profitable for industrial capital to borrow relatively expensive loans, a process that leads to reciprocal progressions between investment and interest rate, but this appears to be a purely temporary matter, because the acceleration of accumulation ultimately promotes the factors that lower the profit rate and may lead to over-accumulation of capital.

1Heinsohn/Steiger (Heinsohn/Steiger 2009) derive money logically-historically from the credit agreement, whereby (immaterial) property appears as the legal construction of exclusion and thus not ownership (ability or right to use something) as the indispensable prerequisite for a loan to be granted by an owner by lending his property quasi as a pledge to a borrower, a pledge that functions as money because it includes a (recoverable) claim to the lender's property. Because the owner pledges his property and thus also gives up his property premium, he can now demand interest from the borrower, which also means, however, that in order to be able to make repayment and interest payments, the borrower must become "productive", either generate added value or realise more property claims on the market than he himself has handed over. Now, this type of logical-historicalThe fact that money is derived logically and historically from the credit contract does not, however, explain at all how the monetary substitutes, which stand for the pledge that the lender issues for his property, can serve as money, because these monetary substitutes already presuppose the social validity of money, regardless of whether it is expressed as a form of money, as the result of taxes collected by the state, or as the result of exchange or credit. Otherwise, no one would ever accept these substitutes as means of payment, be they any notes or tablets.

2 Anwar Shaikh quotes from : International Socialism. Marxist accounts of the current crisis. In: http://www.isj.org.uk/?id=557

Der Beitrag Marx and Credit erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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The Climate Industrial Complex https://non.copyriot.com/the-climate-industrial-complex/ Sat, 16 Nov 2019 08:20:57 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12151

30 years ago, there were 15 border walls around the world; now there are 70 walls and over 1 billion national and international migrants. International migrants alone may even double in the next 40 years due to global warming. Our new epoch of global flux has also given rise to a new global climate security market. Building walls and fences to block rising seas levels and incoming people along with detaining and deporting migrants has become one of the world worlds fastest growing industries—projected to reach $742 billion by 2023.1 I believe we are witnessing the emergence of what we might call a new “climate industrial complex.“

read here

Foto: Bernhard Weber

Der Beitrag The Climate Industrial Complex erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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Ein Jahr Gilets Jaunes – Ein Jahr Aufruhr | Ein Dossier https://non.copyriot.com/ein-jahr-gilets-jaunes-ein-jahr-aufruhr-ein-dossier/ Fri, 15 Nov 2019 16:39:02 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12105

Man
sollte zugeben, dass man eine Lust an Zerstörung und an Sachen hat,
die kaputt gehen.“

Heiner
Müller

Ein
Jahr lang Gilets Jaunes, das bedeutet ein Jahr lang Demonstrationen,
Versammlungen, Straßenblockaden, Besetzungen. Das bedeutet 53
Wochenenden an denen es irgendwo in Frankreich Tränengas für die
aufmüpfigen Massen gegeben hat. Ein Jahr Gilets Jaunes, das bedeutet
mehrere Tote, die meisten starben bei Verkehrsblockaden, weil sie von
Autofahrern tot gefahren wurden, eine alte Frau in Marseille verlor
ihr Leben durch eine Tränengasgranate, die sie am Fenster ihrer
Wohnung im vierten Stock traf. Ein Jahr Gilets Jaunes, das heißt
Dutzende, die ihr Augenlicht durch die Gummigeschosse der Bullen
verloren haben, abertausende von Menschen, die Opfer von Bullengewalt
geworden sind,. Ein Jahr Gilets Jaunes, das heißt tausende von
Gerichtsverfahren, hunderte von Verurteilungen zu Gefängnisstrafen
ohne Bewährung.

Ein
Jahr Gilets Jaunes, das bedeutete durchwachte Nächte an den
Verkehrskreiseln, bei Minusgraden sich an der Gesellschaft der
Gefährten und den Flammen der Feuertonne zu wärmen.

Ein
Jahr Gilets Jaunes hieß Barrikaden auf den Champs Elysees,
Verwüstungen in den nobelsten Vierteln der französischen
Hauptstadt, die nicht einmal während es Mai 68 angetastet wurden.
Ein Jahr Gilets Jaunes heißt auch hunderte, ja tausende von
Pamphleten, Flugblättern, Kommuniques, die meisten geschrieben mit
heißem Herzen.

Aus
meiner Sicht bildet diese Revolte in ihrer Heterogenität, in ihrer
Widersprüchlichkeit, ihrer Spontanität, ihrer radikal militanten
Haltung ebenso wie in ihrem Bruch mit den traditionellen linken
Vermittlungs- und Definitionsinstanzen das Niveau des Zusammenpralls
der derzeitigen Klassenauseinandersetzungen ab.

Während
die Bewegung gegen die „Reform“ der Arbeitsgesetze [loi travail]
2016 in Frankreich bei aller praktischen Radikalität ohne den
Resonanzrahmen gewerkschaftlicher Bewegung nicht in der Lage war,
eigenständig massenhaft zu agieren, konstituierte sich mit den
Gilets Jaunes eine soziale Bewegung die jenseits des traditionellen
linken und gewerkschaftlichen Milieu zu massenhaften Aktionen über
Monate in der Lage war und ist.

In
der grundsätzlichen Ablehnung aller Vermittlungsinstanzen,
einschließlich der gewerkschaftlichen (Ein Demonstrant auf einer der
Demos in Paris zu einem Mitglied der CGT: „Wenn ihr nicht versagt
hättet, müssten wir jetzt nicht hier sein“) brechen alle
Illusionen über einen Lösung des Konfliktes innerhalb des
bestehenden Systems in sich zusammen. So wie sich in den Riots auf
den Champs Elysees nach dem Gewinn der Fussballweltmeisterschaft die
seit Jahrzehnten ausgegrenzte und mit tagtäglichen Rassismus und
Polizeigewalt konfrontierte Jugend der Vorstädte inmitten der
Prachtmeile sichtbar machte, so verschufen sich die Gelben Westen mit
ihren Zerstörungsakten in den nobelsten Pariser Viertel Gehör,
konstituierten sie sich als soziale Bewegung jenseits der bestehenden
Reglementierungen und Protestformen.

Es
ist (hierzulande) viel gesagt und geschrieben worden über den
Charakter dieser Bewegung. Vieles dazu aus linker Perspektive drückt
sowohl die Verachtung gegenüber diesen Klassensegmenten, als auch
die Entfremdung einer traditionellen Linken von den realen sozialen
Bedingungen, unter denen ein Großteil der nicht in den
privilegierten Ausbeutungsverhältnissen lebenden Menschen „versucht
über den Monat zu kommen“, aus. Ja, es stimmt, es gab und gibt
reaktionäre, antisemitische, homophobe und sogar faschistische
Tendenzen innerhalb dieser Bewegung. Über die Notwendigkeit, den
Kampf gegen diese Tendenzen innerhalb der Bewegung zu führen,
berichten einige der von uns ausgesuchten Texte.

Diese
Textesammlung bietet keine umfassende Analyse oder Einordnung,
sondern versucht die aktuellen Splitter einer Suchbewegung, in der
sich die Klassenauseinandersetzungen seit den „Brotunruhen“ in
Nordafrika in den 80igern befindet, am Beispiel Frankreich
abzubilden. Sinn ist es, darüber ins Gespräch zu kommen. Die
historische Linke ist schon lange am Ende, in weiten Teilen unfähig
und unwillig das zu begreifen, zu realisieren. Es bilden sich aber
immer neue Wurmfortsätze des altbekannten Elends heraus, die
hierzulande ausgerufene Debatte um eine „neue Klassenpolitik“ ist
an Verlogenheit kaum zu überbieten, wenn genau jene Figuren, die
über eine hier alles erstickende „Identitätspolitik“ zu
Pöstchen im (Semi) Staatsapparat, bzw. ihn unterfütternden
Stiftungen und Institutionen gekommen sind, nun genau diese Debatte
generieren und dominieren.

Ralf
Reinders sagte auf einer Gedenkveranstaltung für Ulrike Meinhof im
Audi Max der TU in Berlin vor nun schon einigen Jahren, Ulrike habe
damals zu den wenigen linken Intellektuellen gehört, denen sie als
Arbeiterkinder vertraut hätten. Der Ausgangspunkt der RAF war eben
nicht nur die Proteste gegen den Vietnamkrieg (was eben die
Geschichtsschreibung der bürgerlichen 68iger war und ist), sondern
auch die Arbeit mit jugendlichen Trebegängern und z. B. auch die
Arbeit mit den Bewohnern der ersten Trabantensiedlung des Märkischen
Viertels im damaligen Westberlin.

Und
wenn auch die meisten der Gilets Jaunes die Texte des Unsichtbaren
Komitees nicht gelesen haben, bzw. nur vom Hörensagen kennen
dürften, so bilden sich in ihrer intuitiven Strategie eben doch
genau dessen Vorschläge von „Blockieren, Sabotieren, die
Zirkulation zum Erliegen bringen“ ab. Will heißen, eine
Neubestimmung aufständischer Politik kommt nicht um einen
grundsätzlichen Bruch mit den bestehenden linken Erzählungen aus.
Sie muss auch zwangsläufig eine Praxis herausbilden, die sich an den
affektiven und materiellen Bedürfnissen derjenigen Klassensegmente
orientiert, für die im Verwertungsprozess nur noch eine randständige
Perspektive gibt. Sie muss sich gemein machen. Nicht mehr. Aber auch
nicht weniger.

Die
folgende Auswahl an Texten ist der Natur nach unvollständig, sie
will weder repräsentativ noch stringent sein, auch mangelt es ihr an
chronologischer Reihenfolge. Der „Herbst der Aufstände“ in
Lateinamerika, die Revolten im Sudan, Irak, Algerien, Libanon, die
seit Monaten anhaltenden Unruhen in Haiti, die derzeitigen
Demonstrationen und Riots in Hong Kong, sie alle wissen voneinander,
tauschen sich aus, begreifen sich und ihre Situation in den Kämpfen
der Anderen. Es entsteht ohne Zweifel eine neue Internationale der
Aufständischen, die die alte linke Internationale ablöst und zwar
aus guten Gründen. Die Überreste der radikalen Linken, soweit sie
dazu überhaupt noch in der Lage sind, werden sich gezwungen sehen,
sich in diesen Bewegungen als minoritärer und lernender Teil zu
definieren. Entweder sie werfen ihre paternalistischen Haltungen,
ihre identitäre Borniertheit über Bord – oder sie gehören
endgültig auf den Müllhaufen der Geschichte. A change is gonna
come.

Fünfzehn
Thesen über
den Exzess - Aufgeschrieben in einer
Nacht

„These Nr. 1: Die Exzesse schwappen über

Flammen in den Straßen. Die Mautstellen werden
niedergebrannt. Eine Präfektur angegriffen. Zerstörte, verbrannte,
umgeworfene Polizeiautos. Geplünderte Geschäfte. Zerlegte Fenster.
Polizeibeamte werden angegriffen. Eine Liste von "verwerflichen",
"inakzeptablen", "unerträglichen", "unsäglichen"
Handlungen. Sogar Fahrräder brannten in Paris. Und Weihnachtsbäume.
Brest, Tours, Dijon, Nantes, Charleville-Mezieres, Calais,
Saint-Etienne, Bordeaux, Puy-en-Velay, Toulouse, Tarbes, Albi,
Narbonne, Carcassonne, Le Pouzin, Arles, Avignon, Marseille, Arles.
Ein Porsche 911. 600 Radargeräte. 30% der Parkuhren in Carcassonne.
Das Rathaus von Servon-sur-Vilaine, Bretagne, mit 3555 Einwohnern,
wurde ein Ziel...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/fuenfzehn-thesen-ueber-den-exzess-aufgeschrieben-in-einer-nacht/

Gelber
Brief No17 - Die Totalitären

„In den letzten Tagen
ist die verbale Eskalation nun an ihrer Quintessenz angelangt. Der
Widerspruch zwischen der Realität von Oben und der Realität von
Unten ist klar umrissen: Es gibt das Böse und es gibt das Gute! Wir
sind böse, sie sind gut! Die Oberen predigen die "freie Welt",
indem sie imaginäre Feinde erschaffen, um ihren folgerichtigen
Triumph zu feiern. "Wir wollen Meinungsfreiheit"; "Wir
wollen das Recht auf Protest verteidigen"; "Wir wollen alle
Meinungen respektieren"! Aber sie benutzen diese ideologischen
Vorführungen, um sich mit Tugenden zu schmücken und die wahre Natur
ihrer Handlungen zu verbergen! Sie sind talentierte Illusionisten,
aber ihre Zaubertricks überzeugen nicht mehr. Wir, die 'Gilets
Jaunes', sehen ihre geballte Faust unter dem Samthandschuh...“

Weiter:

https://de.indymedia.org/node/28285

Ein
Brief an die „
Guten der Republik“

„Es
ist vollbracht: Der 16. März wird unter den wichtigen Daten der
sozialen Bewegung der gelben Westen in Erinnerung
bleiben.

Angesichts der Gewalt von politischer, medialer
und wirtschaftlicher Reaktion ist es notwendig, die Dinge klar und
ohne Scheinheiligkeit zu benennen.

Beginnen wir mit der
Tatsache: Es ist wahr, dass viele GJ [Gilets Jaunes] für diesen Acte
18 nach Paris kamen, um dieses System zu überwinden und dazu die
Kontrolle der "öffentlichen Ordnung" zu untergraben. Sie
waren vielleicht nicht in der Mehrheit, aber sie waren ziemlich
zahlreich und entschlossen, Erfolge zu erringen. Diese Tausenden von
GJs praktizierten nicht alle eine Black Block Taktik. Es gab viele
GJs der ersten Stunde, die nur ihre Westen, Masken und Schutzbrille
trugen. Es gab auch einige Demonstranten im (black) Block, die sowohl
mit einer schwarzen K-way Jacke als auch mit einer gelben Weste
gekleidet waren.
Vor allem aber waren alle Demonstranten voll in
die Aktionen des Tages involviert. Es gab noch nie eine Trennung
zwischen Gruppen von "nice GJ" und "bad rioters


[casseurs]

". Die überwiegende Mehrheit der anwesenden
Demonstranten unterstützte oder akzeptierte zumindest die offensiven
Aktionen, ohne unbedingt dasselbe tun zu wollen….“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/30232

Paris,
ein Wintermärchen

Ein
Samstagabend in Paris. Es ist kalt, nicht eiseskalt, aber kalt.
Passanten tätigen ihre letzten Einkäufe, Freunde treffen sich im
Bistro, essen eine Kleinigkeit, danach werden sie ins Kino gehen,
oder in die Bar. Das
übliche Leben im Viertel. Aus einer kleinen Seitenstraße ergießt
sich ein Strom, nein eher ein Rinnsal von Menschen. Manche von ihnen
haben sich gelbe Westen über gestreift. Die Art von Westen, die
unter anderen Umständen jahrelang unbenutzt und scheinbar sinnlos in
irgendeiner Ecke des Kofferraums des Autos herum liegen. Hier und
heute hat ihre scheinbare Nutzlosigkeit ein Ende. Hier und heute
verleihen sie Identität, und, was noch wichtiger erscheint,
Zugehörigkeit. Für Jene, deren Ekel über die allgegenwärtige
Beliebigkeit und Trostlosigkeit sich nicht in der bourgeoisen
Süffisanz eines Houellebecq
erschöpft.
Aus einem Transistor oder ist es ein Megaphon, wer weiß das schon
und was spielt das auch für eine Rolle, plärrt verzerrt Joe Dassin:
Aux
Champs-Élysées.
Einige
der Demonstranten, denn um solche handelt es sich bei jenen Menschen,
die sich diese gelben Westen über gestreift haben, wippen mit dem
Kopf im Takt der Musik. Dieses Chanson der Sehnsucht, des
Versprechens auf heitere Tage markiert zugleich ihr grundsätzliche
Begehren auf ein leichteres Leben als auch den konkreten Fluchtpunkt
ihres heutigen Marsches, der in den frühen Stunden des Tages begann
und der sie quer durch die Stadt geführt hat. Trotz des langen
Marsches und den Strapazen des Tages liegt auf ihren Gesichtern keine
Ermattung, kein Schatten. Nein, es scheint eher Zuversicht und
Vertrauen in sich und ihre Sache zu sein, die sich in ihren Zügen
widerspiegelt. Einige von ihnen werden heute noch die
Champs-Élysées
erreichen,
andere werden, von den Bullen gejagt und mit Tränengas und
Gummigeschossen attackiert, ihr Vorhaben aufgeben. Aber nur für
heute und deshalb wird es keine Rolle spielen.
Sie
werden am nächsten Wochenende wieder auf den Straßen unterwegs
sein. All die Mühen und Strapazen, all die Gefahren wieder auf sich
nehmen. Weil ihr Leben, ihr alltägliches Leben eben genauso ist, Tag
für Tag. Und weil sich das ändern soll, muss….“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/paris-ein-wintermaerchen/

Ultimatum

„Auf
den Straßen reagieren die algerischen Behörden mit dem gleichen
Tränengas und mit dem gleichen Diskurs (1) : "Entweder wir oder
das Chaos"... "Vorsicht, ihr wurdet infiltriert"...
"Wie könnt ihr es wagen, im Namen des Volkes zu sprechen"...
"Es gibt einen Rahmen, in dem ihr eure Ansichten äußern könnt:
demokratische Wahlen!". Sie haben im Handumdrehen alle Arten von
Tricks ausprobiert, neue und alte. Auch in Algerien leiten sie eine
"große nationale Debatte" ein. Das ist die Grundlage der
Aufstandsbekämpfung: Scheindebatten auf der einen Seite, harte
Repressionen auf der anderen Seite und Rechtfertigung des einen durch
das andere.

Aber dies ist nicht mehr die Zeit, um diese
Vorgaben zu respektieren. Es sind nunmehr 40 Jahre vergangen und die
herrschende Klasse spielt seit langem ihr Marionettentheater „der
Politik und der Wahlen“. Die Krise wartet nicht. Das Aussterben der
Bienen wartet nicht. Der Gerichtsvollzieher wartet nicht. Die
Klimakatastrophe wartet nicht. Demonstranten, die ein Auge verloren
haben, warten nicht. Die Verunreinigung mit Pestiziden wartet nicht
länger. Fische, die mit Plastikmüll vollgestopft sind, und die
massakrierte Delfine warten nicht...“

Weiter:

https://de.indymedia.org/node/29891

Der
Gegenaufstand wird scheitern. Ein Interview zu der Bewegung in
Frankreich

Wie
ist die Situation im Moment?

Die
gelben Westen sind stärker denn je.

Könnt
ihr uns einen kurzen Überblick über die letzten Wochen in Paris
geben?

Am
22. Dezember zog eine Demo von Montmartre in Richtung der
Champs-Elysées, schaffte es geschickt durch die Polizeilinien und
randalierte dort. Trotz dieses taktischen Sieges wurden die
offiziellen Zahlen für diesen Tag sehr niedrig angesetzt, und die
Menschen neigten dazu, den Zahlen des Staates und seiner Medien zu
glauben, auch wenn sie nicht stimmten. Es sollte dann eine Demo zum
Jahreswechsel geben, aber es gab zu viele Touristen, und sie wurde an
diesem Tag von Tausenden von Menschen auf den Champs-Elysées
förmlich ertränkt. Dies veranlasste die politischen
Entscheidungsträger, arrogant zu behaupten, dass die Bewegung im
Sterben liege, dass ihre Anzahl schrumpfte und so weiter. Aber die
Intensität der Mobilisierung am 5. Januar überraschte alle. Es war
ein neuer Höhepunkt der Gewalt, mit heftigen Auseinandersetzungen im
noblen Viertel St. Germain – ein Weihnachtsmarkt wurde zerlegt und
in Barrikaden umgewandelt, der berühmte Boxer Christophe Dettinger
verprügelte einen Polizisten auf einer Brücke nahe der
Nationalversammlung, etc. Der Polizeiapparat versagte, aber es gab
auch viele, viele Verletzte...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/der-gegenaufstand-wird-scheitern-ein-interview-zu-der-bewegung-in-frankreich/

Die
Rückkehr der Goldenen Horde

„Gewidmet
den Gilets Jaunes auf der Canebière…

Es
war ein Samstag auf der Canebière. Wir waren dort, und ein wenig
verloren standen wir uns die Füße in den Bauch, inmitten
zahlreicher Demonstrationen mit Transparenten und Pseudoritualen. Als
wir in der Ferne Rufe hörten, gingen wir zum alten Hafen herunter.
Der Platz wurden von Gilets Jaunes überschwemmt. Von der Rue de la
République, auch auf dem Kai, hin zum Rathaus, eine Reihe von
Bullen, sogar mit Panzerwagen. Wir schlossen uns der Menge an, wir
kannten niemanden, aber dort, zum ersten Mal in diesem Land, spürte
ich etwas Ungewohntes, so etwas wie einen Windhauch frische Luft,
eine Wut der Massen, die von weit her kam. Es war mir, als ob ich
dieses Gefühl schon Monate zuvor in Armenien gespürt hatte; die
Menschen hatten das ganze Land blockiert, um die Regierung zu
verjagen. Die selbe Kraft, die sich autonom ausdrückt, ohne den
ganzen politischen Scheiß...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/die-rueckkehr-der-goldenen-horde/

Eine
Weste die allen passt

„Die
Besten und Schlechtesten können die gelbe Weste tragen. Aber die
Zukunft der Bewegung – und vieles andere mehr – wird auf der
Straße entschieden werden, und nicht durch den Diskurs der
verwirrten Linken.

In den Wochen vor dem ersten
Aktionstag der “Bewegung der gelben Westen” (mouvement des gilets
jaunes) am 17. November gab es unter meinen Genossen der
antiautoritären Linken wenig darüber zu hören, auch wenn wir uns
normalerweise über solche beginnenden Mobilisierungen austauschen.
Eine Petition gegen die vom französischen Präsidenten Emmanuel
Macron angekündigte Erhöhung der Kraftstoffsteuern hatte bereits
Hunderttausende von Unterschriften gesammelt. Auch die
Facebook-Veranstaltung des Lastwagenfahrers Éric Drouet zu einem
„nationalen Tag der Straßenblockaden“ gegen die Steuererhöhung
war weit verbreitet. Dennoch war Anfang November in den von mir
häufig genutzten Nachrichtenfeeds, Mailinglisten und Chatgruppen
kaum von jenen “gelben Westen” die Rede. Normalerweise stehen
solche Dinge immer dann zur Diskussion, wenn ein Streik oder eine
Demonstration in der Luft liegt. Unnötig zu sagen, dass wir
überrascht waren, als Hunderttausende von Menschen am 17. November
loszogen, um Straßen zu blockieren...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/eine-weste-die-allen-passt/

Gelber
Brief No 20 – Lasst uns das Ganze einfach abschalten

„Seit
Beginn der Bewegung der Gelben Westen werden mysteriöse Gelbe Briefe
an Kreisverkehren und in sozialen Netzwerken verbreitet. Mit
gewohntem poetischen und theoretischen Scharfsinn legt dieser 20.
Brief die Grundlage für eine Kampfstrategie: “Wenn die kalte Ratio
von oben dem gesunden Menschenverstand von unten weichen soll, müssen
wir immer mehr Menschen um uns herum versammeln.”

Diese
Welt ist kalt und rational geworden. Sie drängt ihren unerbittlichen
Rhythmus in unser Leben und in unseren Körper. Die Machthaber
verlangen, dass wir uns den Rücken krumm machen und uns auf dennoch
auf nichts anderes freuen können als auf eine Katastrophe. Jetzt
verlangen sie sogar, dass wir uns ihren Reihen anschließen, dass wir
einen Pakt mit dem Teufel abschließen! Tatsächlich können wir
dieses höllische Tempo nur aufhalten, wenn wir uns von ihrer Welt
fernhalten. Es ist nicht zu spät, den Kurs zu ändern, neue Samen
auf fruchtbarem Boden zu säen. Wir dürfen uns nicht mehr von den
Gesängen der Reformen oder ihren Kandidatenlisten für die
Europawahlen täuschen lassen! Wir sind der Retter, auf den wir
gewartet haben!“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/gelber-brief-no-20-lasst-uns-das-ganze-einfach-abschalten/

Classwar
– Ein Aufruf aus dem Westen von Paris

„Unsere
Westen sind keine Straßenverkehrssicherheitswesten mehr, sie sind zu
einem Zeichen der Sammlung für eine Bewegung geworden, die die
etablierte Ordnung global herausfordert. Der Grund, warum sie
glitzern, ist nicht, die Behörden über Notfälle oder soziale
Notlagen zu unterrichten. Wir haben sie nicht dazu benutzt, etwas von
der Macht zu verlangen. Das Gelb unserer Westen ist nicht das Gelb,
das normalerweise die Arbeiterbewegung an den Verrat erinnert. (1)
Die Farbe dieses Kleidungsstücks ist die des Lava des Zorns, die der
Vulkan der sozialen Revolution, der zu lange inaktiv war, wieder
auszuspucken beginnt. Sie ist nur gelb, weil sie das Rot
umarmt.

Unter diesem Namen “Gelbe Westen” wacht ein
Titan, gerade noch taumelnd, aus dem Koma auf, in das er mehr als
vierzig Jahre lang versetzt wurde. Dieser Koloss kennt seinen Namen
nicht mehr, erinnert sich nicht mehr an seine glorreiche Geschichte
und kennt nicht mehr die Welt, in der er seine Augen öffnet. Doch
während er sich selbst wieder zum Leben erweckt, entdeckt er die
Dimension seiner eigenen Stärke. Worte werden ihm von falschen
Freunden, Gefängniswärtern seiner Träume, zugeflüstert. Er
wiederholt sie: ” Frankreich”, ” Volk ” und ” Bürger “!
Aber indem er sie ausspricht, sorgen die Motive, die verwirrend aus
den Tiefen seiner Erinnerung wieder auftauchen, für Verwirrung.
Diese Worte wurden in den Gossen des Elends, auf Barrikaden, auf
Schlachtfeldern, bei Streiks, in Gefängnissen verwendet. Weil sie
aus der Sprache eines gewaltigen Gegners stammen, des Feindes der
Menschheit, der seit zwei Jahrhunderten meisterhaft mit Angst, Gewalt
und Propaganda umzugehen weiß. Dieser tödliche Schurke, dieser
soziale Vampir, ist der Kapitalismus!“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/classwar-ein-aufruf-aus-dem-westen-von-paris/

Paris:
Über die Notwendigkeit auf den Demonstrationen der Gilets Jaunes
wieder als Schwarzer Block aufzutreten

„Über
die Notwendigkeit, die Anwesenheit eines Schwarzen Blocks an der
Spitze der Demos bei den “Acte XI und XII“ wieder zu installieren
… Ein Text, der an andere kürzlich auf der Website von Paris
Luttes Infos veröffentlichte Vorschläge anknüpft: “Für eine
gelbe Welle, die überflutet. Wahrhaftig” (1) vom 22. Januar und
“Protokoll eines unbestimmten ‘Acte'” (2) vom 18. Januar
2019.

Die Tage werden länger und es ist nicht
unwahrscheinlich, dass dem grauen Himmel der ‘Acte I’ bis ‘Acte
X’ (3) der ‘Gelben Westen’ bald blauer Himmel folgen wird, und
dass diese Demonstrationen im Laufe der Zeit im aufkommenden Frühling
erblühen und das helle Sonnenlicht zu uns zurückfinden wird.

Für
jeden aufmerksamen Teilnehmer an den Pariser Demonstrationen (denn
die Demonstrationen in den Provinzen nehmen oft eine andere Wendung)
scheint es offensichtlich, dass die Aufzüge weitgehend von einem
rechtsextremen Flügel übertölpelt werden, der in aller
Öffentlichkeit herum stolziert. An der Spitze der Demonstrationen
konnten wir Paramilitärs beobachten, die gut zu identifizieren
waren, wie dieser Victor Lenta mit seinem traurigem Gesicht.
Royalisten, die aufs vortrefflichste typisiert waren, “Unpolitische”
wie Eric Drouet (4), weniger “Unpolitische” wie der FN/RN (5)-
Typ Maxime Nicolle (6) alias “Fly Rider”, vor sich hertragend die
übelsten Transparente wie „Der CRS mit uns”, selbsternannte
‘Verkehrspolizisten’ oder Pseudomitglieder eines Ordnungsdienstes
der “Gelben Westen”, die sich aus den bekanntesten Mitgliedern
der “bastion social” (7) und Konsorten zusammensetzen, sowie
einigen kriegsführenden Priestern der ‘Civitas’ (8) und anderen
Figuren aus der ‘Lebensschützer’ Bewegung...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/paris-ueber-die-notwendigkeit-auf-den-demonstrationen-der-gilets-jaunes-wieder-als-schwarzer-block-aufzutreten/

Erklärung
der 2. Vollversammlung der Gilets Jaunes von St. Nazaire

„Vorab:
Infolge der Gilets-Jaunes Vollversammlung von Commercy, gab es am
vergangenen ersten Aprilwochenende eine VV in StNazaire. 200 Gruppen
waren auf dem Treffen vertreten, dass am Rande des 21
Protestwochenendes in Folge statt fand. In Deutschland ist kaum eine
ernstzunehmende Auseinandersetzung zu erkennen, während seit Monaten
eine ungeahnte Zuspitzung den französischen Alltag prägt.
Vielleicht bringt ja dieser Text aus der GJ-VV etwas linkes Interesse
auf...

Auf
der Versammlung der Versammlungen wurde der kommende Aufruf
publiziert.

(Dieser
Aufruf wird den lokalen Versammlungen zur Abstimmung vorgestellt).

Wir,
Gilets Jaunes, die wir uns als Vollversammlung unserer lokalen
Versammlungen konstituiert haben, haben uns am 5, 6. und 7, April
2019 versammelt und wenden uns an das gesamte Volk*.

Nach
der 1. Vollversammlung von Commercy setzten etwa 200 anwesende
Delegationen ihre Kämpfe gegen die Politik des liberalen Extremismus
und für Freiheit, Gleichheit und Brüderlichkeit fort!“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/31261

Für
eine nicht zielgerichtete Gewalt - "Die gelben Westen stellen
Forderungen, ohne zu wissen, was sie wollen“ - oder über die
Aufforderung, mit der Macht Kompromisse einzugehen.

„Eine
so komplexe Bewegung - und zwar so komplex, dass wir nicht einfach
sagen können, "Sie wollen das RIC
"[référendum
d'initiative citoyenne
]
oder "Sie wollen eine Fünfte
Republik
"
- zwingt uns, nicht mehr über Gewalt in Bezug auf ihren Sinn zu
reflektieren. Die Gewalt drückt einen Abscheu (in Bezug auf den
Kapitalismus, wenn man das so sagen darf?) aus, sie unterbreitet auch
keine Vorschläge mehr.

Die
Idee, dass die "Bewegung der gelben Westen" - immer als
organisierte und in sich geschlossene Einheit gedacht - anfangs
"legitime Ansprüche" hatte, die dann in "grundlose
Gewalt" umschlugen, ist zu einer unermüdlich wiederholten
Konstante in den Massenmedien und bei ihrem Publikum geworden.

Man
beachte, dass der Ausdruck "legitime Forderungen" immer
elliptisch ist: Die Medien begnügen sich damit, eine Legitimität
heraufzubeschwören, ohne jemals den Inhalt dieser Forderungen auch
nur andeutungsweise zu benennen (ein ziemlich geschicktes Vorgehen,
das diese Medien davon befreit, sich selbst vor dem politischen
Hintergrund der Bewegung zu hinterfragen), um dann ihre
Erscheinungsform an den Pranger zu stellen….“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/31149

Ein
Brief an die „Guten der Republik“

„Es
ist vollbracht: Der 16. März wird unter den wichtigen Daten der
sozialen Bewegung der gelben Westen in Erinnerung bleiben.

Angesichts
der Gewalt von politischer, medialer und wirtschaftlicher Reaktion
ist es notwendig, die Dinge klar und ohne Scheinheiligkeit zu
benennen.

Beginnen
wir mit der Tatsache: Es ist wahr, dass viele GJ [Gilets Jaunes] für
diesen Acte 18 nach Paris kamen, um dieses System zu überwinden und
dazu die Kontrolle der "öffentlichen Ordnung" zu
untergraben. Sie waren vielleicht nicht in der Mehrheit, aber sie
waren ziemlich zahlreich und entschlossen, Erfolge zu erringen. Diese
Tausenden von GJs praktizierten nicht alle eine Black Block Taktik.
Es gab viele GJs der ersten Stunde, die nur ihre Westen, Masken und
Schutzbrille trugen. Es gab auch einige Demonstranten im (black)
Block, die sowohl mit einer schwarzen K-way Jacke als auch mit einer
gelben Weste gekleidet waren.

 Vor
allem aber waren alle Demonstranten voll in die Aktionen des Tages
involviert. Es gab noch nie eine Trennung zwischen Gruppen von "nice
GJ" und "bad rioters [casseurs]". Die überwiegende
Mehrheit der anwesenden Demonstranten unterstützte oder akzeptierte
zumindest die offensiven Aktionen, ohne unbedingt dasselbe tun zu
wollen.

Mehrere
Videos zeigen, dass am Vormittag auf dem Place de l'Etoile die
Ankunft eines Blocks von dreißig Demonstranten des „black bloc“von
einer Art Spalier und Beifall empfangen wurde...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/30232

Gilets
Jaunes – Hinter den blumigen Etikettierungen stehen unsere Kämpfe
gegen das Elend!

„Brennende
Barrikaden auf den Champs Elysées, Luxusautos stehen in Flammen,
Luxusläden zerstört und geplündert, “die schönste Allee der
Welt” brannte aus dem Bedürfnis zu leben und nicht mehr zu
überleben. “Die Stadt des Lichts” war um einiges heller, als es
die Meister je wollten. Und die Feuer der Revolte brennen seit drei
Wochen auch an anderen Orten – in Frankreich und auch in Belgien –
und erwärmen unsere Herzen und Seelen.

Haben
wir nicht gerade ein Medikament gegen den Burn Out am Arbeitsplatz
entdeckt? Für den Herbstblues? Für dieses Gefühl, dass unser Leben
verblasst, vergeudet wird bei der Arbeit für einen lausigen Lohn
oder in der Schule, um nur ein weiterer Arbeitsloser zu werden? Dass
wir nie etwas anderes erleben werden als dieses Elend des Lebens
unter der Diktatur des Geldes?“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/gilets-jaunes-hinter-den-blumigen-etikettierungen-stehen-unsere-kaempfe-gegen-das-elend/

Die
große nationale Debatte – Die Macht im Angesicht der großen
Lotterie der Worte

„Wir
erfahren also durch die Presse, dass der Präsident die Durchführung
einer großen nationalen Debatte fordert, um die Bewegung und die
“Ansprüche” der ‘Gelben Westen’ “besser zu verstehen”.
Im
Grunde genommen geht es um das, was die Fernseh-, Radio- und
Presseformate seit zwei Monaten versuchen, nämlich die Frage zu
beantworten, die (Journalisten und Nachrichtensprecher,
Regierungsmitglieder) am meisten als lächerlich ausweist: “Aber
was ist eigentlich eine ‘Gelbe Weste’?“ Denn dies sagt
eigentlich viel mehr über sie aus als über den Träger der
betreffenden Weste.

Diese “Debatte” kann auch als die
Fortsetzung einer ethnologischen Phänomenologie, ausgestattet mit
einem Tonfall aus dem 19. Jahrhundert betrachtet werden, und
vielleicht sollten wir eher von der Zoologie sprechen, die von den
herrschenden Klassen und den Herrschern über die am stärksten
dominierten und benachteiligten unter Uns ausgeübt wird...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/die-grosse-nationale-debatte-die-macht-im-angesicht-der-grossen-lotterie-der-worte/

Gilets
Jaunes – Der Kampf geht weiter

„'Möge
die Macht mit uns sein’

Seit dem sogenannten IV. Akt
sind sich die zentralen Unterdrückungsapparate der bürgerlichen
Ordnung und des kapitalistischen Staates der Tragweite der laufenden
sozialen Bewegung, die vor unser aller Augen stattfindet, wirklich
bewusst geworden. An diesem Tag (8. Dezember) gingen sie einen
Schritt weiter und versuchten mit aller Macht zu verhindern, das sich
die Ausschreitungen des Vorwochenendes wiederholten. 89.000
Polizisten, Gendarmen und CRS Bullen wurden in ganz Frankreich
eingesetzt (10.000 davon in Paris), die die wichtigsten Städte des
Landes unter Kontrolle bekommen sollten. Massen- und
Präventivverhaftungen, gepanzerte Fahrzeuge zum Durchbrechen von
Barrikaden, direktes Feuern von Tausenden von Granaten,
Tränengasgranaten, “Schock- Granaten”, “GLI-F4-Granaten”
(präsentiert als “nicht-letale Waffe” mit einer Sprengladung von
25 Gramm TNT),…

Angesichts dieses beeindruckenden
Arsenals schlugen die “Gelben Westen”, oder zumindest die
Radikalsten von ihnen, zurück und reagierten mit Stärke und
Entschlossenheit. Und andere Teile und Sektoren der Bevölkerung
schlossen sich ihnen an, diejenigen, die auch in die Luft gingen und
sich in diesem Atemzug der Frischluft wiederfanden, der von dieser
lobenswerten Bewegung, diesem Prozess des Kampfes, diesem Moment der
Ablehnung von Armut und Elend ausging. Kurz gesagt, diejenigen, die
“die Mächtigen” dieser Welt und “die Reichen” immer
verächtlich “das gemeine Volk”, “den Plebs”, “den
Abschaum”, “den Pöbel” genannt haben… Und diesmal brannte
nicht nur Paris, sondern die Wut verbreitete sich wie ein Lauffeuer
nach Bordeaux, Toulouse, Lyon, Marseille, Saint-Etienne, etc….“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/gilets-jaunes-der-kampf-geht-weiter/

Mögen
unsere gelben Funken der Revolte die Welt 2019 in Brand setzen!“

„Seit
dem Beginn der Bewegung der ‘Gilets Jaunes’ in Frankreich wurden
mysteriöse und zugleich poetische ‘Gelbe Briefe’ an den
besetzten Verkehrskreiseln und in den sozialen Medien verbreitet.
Dies ist eine sinngemäße Übersetzung des eindrucksvollen und
inspirierenden 15. Schreibens, das auf der einflussreichen radikalen
Website ‘Lundi Matin’ veröffentlicht wurde.

Liebe
‘Gilets Jaunes’, liebe Männer und Frauen aus dem tiefen Herzen
unserer Gesellschaft.

Wir
nähern uns einem kritischen Moment. Wir nähern uns einem
historischen Moment. Wir nähern uns einem Wendepunkt in der
Geschichte. Wir nähern uns dem Ende. Seit einigen Monaten führen
wir gemeinsam einen Kampf, um dem suizidalen Treiben Derer an der
Oberfläche der Gesellschaft entgegenzuwirken...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/moegen-unsere-gelben-funken-der-revolte-die-welt-2019-in-brand-setzen/

10
Lektionen aus dem Kampf der Gilets Jaunes

„Wie
so oft in der Geschichte der sozialen Bewegungen und Revolutionen hat
die tatsächlich existierende Geschichte die vorgefertigten Konzepte
und Theorien, die wir zum Verständnis der Geschichte haben, wieder
einmal widerlegt. Die “Bewegung der Gelben Westen”, die Anfang
dieses Herbstes ihren Anfang nahm, aber eindeutig viel früher
liegende Ursprünge hat, hat viele aufgrund ihres Mangels an Partei-
oder Gewerkschaftsorientierung seitens der Teilnehmer, durch ihre
Zusammensetzung aus Elementen der extremen Linken und der extremen
Rechten, durch ihre bemerkenswerte Widerstandsfähigkeit und ihr
Wachstum in der Zeit seit November sowie wgen ihrer anhaltenden
Kreativität und Dynamik trotz massiver staatlichen Repressionen
verwirrt.

Das
anonyme Kollektiv der politischen Aktivisten, die an dieser Bewegung
beteiligt sind, hat sich bemüht, neues Territorium jenseits der
ausgetretenen Pfade der jüngsten sozialen Bewegungen zu erobern und
sich gleichzeitig von der tiefen Geschichte der revolutionären
Kämpfe inspirieren zu lassen oder sie wieder zum Leben zu erwecken.
Dazu gehörten die Anwendung von Blockaden und Aktionstagen anstelle
von großen öffentlichen Besetzungen, die Weiterentwicklung der
Praktiken von “wilden” Protesten und aktiven Streiks, das
Einsetzen von Lockvogeltechniken zur Verwirrung des repressiven
Staatsapparats, der gezielte Einsatz von staatsfeindlicher und
eigentumsfeindlicher Gewalt und die Forderung nach dauerhaften
strukturellen Veränderungen der Regierungsformen statt einer Reihe
von fest umschriebenen Forderungen...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/10-lektionen-aus-dem-kampf-der-gilets-jaunes/

Frankreich
am Abgrund: "Entweder stürzen wir das System oder das System
wird uns vernichten"

Im
Gegensatz zu allem, was wir gehört haben, ist das Mysterium nicht,
dass wir uns erheben, sondern dass wir es vorher nicht getan haben.
Die Anomalie liegt nicht in dem, was wir jetzt tun, sondern in dem,
was wir bisher ertragen haben. Wer kann leugnen, dass das System in
allen Bereichen gescheitert ist. Wer will noch immer geschröpft,
ausgeraubt, in das Nichts der Prekarität verdammt vor sich hin
leben? Wer will ernsthaft Tränen vergießen über die Tatsache, dass
nun die Armen die schicken Viertel von Paris plündern oder dass die
Bourgeoisie zusehen musste, wie ihre glänzenden neuen SUVs in
Flammen aufgehen? Was Macron betrifft, so sollte er aufhören, sich
zu beschweren, da er es doch war, der uns vorschlug, ihn aufsuchen,
wenn es Probleme gäbe. Ein Staat kann nicht behaupten, seine
Legitimität aus der Leiche einer "glorreichen Revolution"
zu ziehen, nur um dann über den Vandalismus zu stöhnen, wenn eine
Revolution anfängt...

Die
Situation ist einfach: Die Menschen wollen den Sturz des Systems. Das
System beabsichtigt, weiterzumachen. Damit wird die jetzige Situation
als aufständisch definiert, was selbst die Polizei jetzt bestätigt.
Die Menschen sind ihrer viele, sie haben Mut, Freude, Intelligenz und
die notwendige Unbedarftheit, die eine solche Situation erfordert.
Der Staat hat die Armee, die Bullen, die Medien, die List und die
Angst der Bourgeoisie. Seit dem 17. November benutzen die Menschen
zwei komplementäre Hebel: Die Blockade der Wirtschaft und den
Angriff, der jeden Samstag gegen das Verwaltungszentrum von Paris
durchgeführt wird. Diese Hebel ergänzen sich, weil die Wirtschaft
die Realität des Systems ist, während die Regierung die symbolische
Repräsentanz darstellt. Um dieses System wirklich zu Fall zu
bringen, müssen beide Elemente angegriffen werden. Dies gilt ebenso
für Paris wie für den Rest des Landes: Eine lokale Präfektur
anzuzünden und auf das Zentrum der Macht zu marschieren, sind im
Prinzip die gleiche Geste..."

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/26571

Wir
sind alle Kinder von Marseille”

„Während
die Zuschauer vor den Bildschirmen nur Bilder der Zerstörung sehen,
wirkt der Aufstand als kollektive Regeneration: Die bisher
atomisierte Menge erlebt sich als eine Macht, die nur sich selbst
gehört.“

“Mit
unserem Hundeleben

Das
genug ist, um Geschichten ohne Ende zu schreiben

Im
Rücken die Straße, mehr Wahrheit als die Nachrichten, am Ende nur
die eigene Erfahrung

Du
kennst den Refrain, wir haben Hunger…”

Fonky
Family

Warum
sind es immer die anderen, die auf La Plaine mit dem Finger zeigen?
In Folge des Aufstands am Samstag, dem 1. Dezember, trat der Präfekt
vor die Presse: “Es waren 100 bis 150 Menschen, die sich gegen die
Baustelle auf La Plaine stellten, und die diese Vorfälle
verursachten”[1]. Als ob ein Aufstand so beginnen könnte, wie auf
Befehl… In Wahrheit war es vielmehr so, dass der Protestmarsch
gegen unwürdige Wohnungen, sobald er das Rathaus erreichte, von
einem Regen aus Gasgranaten begrüßt wurde, was dann wirklich den
Aufstand auslöste, auf den alle Welt gehofft hatte. Die Behörden
sind völlig besessen von der Vorstellung, dass wir eines Tages ins
Rathaus kommen könnten. Aber wir verstehen… In Paris sind es die
Elysées, die streng bewacht werden, in Marseille ist es das
Rathaus...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/wir-sind-alle-kinder-von-marseille/

Einwürfe
zu der Bewegung der Gilets Jaunes in Frankreich

„Es
ist ein Fehler zu glauben, dass die Menschen verdummen, wenn sie an
einem einzigen Ort verharren.” William Cobbett

“UND
DER STAAT SANK.…”

Die
Woche des 3. Dezember war geprägt von einer massiven Flut von
Staats- und Medienpropaganda, einer Inszenierung, die mehrere
offensichtliche Ziele hatte: Angst zu provozieren und die Bevölkerung
einzuschüchtern, indem man auf die Möglichkeit anspielt, scharfe
Munition gegen Demonstranten zu verwenden; sich entsprechend zu
legitimieren – das heißt, den Verlust der Kontrolle auf die
Polizei und staatliche Kräfte unter dem Vorwand der allgemeinen
Erschöpfung anzudeuten; die wiederholte Verwischung der Grenze
zwischen Strafverfolgung und irregulärer Kriegsführung
(Gummigeschosse, die direkt ins Gesicht geschossen werden,
Gymnasiasten, die gezwungen wurden, in Reih und Glied nieder zu
knien, eine Frau, die von einer Tränengasgranate getötet wurde);
bekannt zu machen, das jetzt bei jedem angeblich außergewöhnlichen
Ereignis (z. B. 1. Mai 2018), “Paris für 24 Stunden im
Belagerungszustand sei und diesmal die Sicherheitskräfte angewiesen
wurden ihr maximales Potenzial ausschöpfen”, wozu auch Polizisten
in Zivil in gelben Westen und Schützenpanzer mit neuen chemischen
Waffen gehören; der seit langem angestrebten Spaltung zwischen
“friedlichen” Demonstranten und den verschiedenen “Randalierern”
oder “Ultra-Was-auch-immer” eine weitere Schicht hinzuzufügen;
den Menschen, die Blockaden durchführen, vorzuwerfen, den redlichen
Menschen die Feiertage am Jahresende zu verderben und sich damit mit
den Fraktionen der Bewegung zu verbünden, die von der Regierung als
“gewalttätig” und “parasitär” eingestuft wurden. Kurz
gesagt wendet die Führung des Staates die Methoden des
psychologischen Kriegsführung gegen 67 Millionen Verdächtige an.“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/einwuerfe-zu-der-bewegung-der-gilets-jaunes-in-frankreich/

Ein
Beitrag zu den derzeitigen Unterbrechungen in Frankreich

„Ich
werde am Ende Kommunist werden“

Brigitte
Bardot, Interview mit Le Parisien, 1. Dezember 2018

„Schön
wie ein unkeuscher Aufstand”

Graffiti
an einer Gebäudefassade auf den Champs-Elysées

Zersetzungen

Auch
wenn sie sich letztendlich als zerbrechlich erweisen sollte, so ist
es doch eine der Hauptverdienste der gegenwärtigen Mobilisierung,
die Rhetorik und das taktische Repertoire der linken Bewegungen des
vergangenen Jahrhunderts an das Grévin-Museum geschickt zu haben –
und zwar mit den Forderungen nach mehr Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit
und ohne die Anti-Steuer-Rhetorik der rechten und extremen Rechten
der Nachkriegszeit zu reproduzieren. Nach dem fast völligen
Verschwinden der Sozialdemokraten, was in Frankreich durch die Wahl
von Macron gekennzeichnet war, erleben wir nun den Niedergang der
Kommunisten, des “Unbeugsamen Frankreich”, der Linken, der
Anarchisten, der “Ultra- Linken” und all der anderen
Klassenkampf-Profis oder selbsternannten Sprecher mit radikaler
Attitüde. Und eine Mehrheit von ihnen rast nun mit voller
Geschwindigkeit, samt ihrer Fraktionen, Vereinigungen, Parteien,
Medienberichten und Blog-Einträgen dieser Bewegung hinterher, über
die sie anfänglich nur die Nase gerümpft und gespöttelt haben...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/ein-beitrag-zu-den-derzeitigen-unterbrechungen-in-frankreich/

Die
Menschen wollen den Fall des Regimes

„Die
Echos des syrischen Aufstandes beim Entstehen der Gelben Westen

Wir, die wir die syrische Revolution sowohl vor Ort als
auch im Exil erlebt haben, sind über den Aufstand des französischen
Volkes erfreut. Dennoch sind wir auch besorgt über die
“Sicherheitsmaßnahmen” und die “Erhaltung der Ordnung”, die
gegen die Gelben Westen gerichtet sind, in diesem sogenannten Land
der “Menschenrechte”. Doch wir lassen uns nicht von der
demokratischen Fassade der Französischen Republik täuschen, wir
wollen aufzeigen, dass es der Staat selbst ist, der diese
Menschenrechte bricht.

Die
erschütternde Anzahl an Festnahmen, die in den letzten Wochen
stattgefunden haben, die Verurteilungen, die den Eindruck erwecken,
dass sie Menschen wegen ihrer politischen Überzeugungen ohne jeden
Beweisführung treffen, die Forderungen nach einem Eingreifen der
Armee, die präventiven Verhaftungen, die allgegenwärtige
Überwachung, die wir überall in Frankreich sehen, die Regierungs-
und Medienpropaganda und ihre lächerlichen Versuche der Beruhigung,
all dies erinnert uns an unsere Erlebnisse zu Beginn der syrischen
Revolution...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/27090

We
all live in a yellow submarine - Ein Bericht zu den Gelbwesten aus
der Sicht von Gefährt*innen aus Toulouse

„Für
Samstag den 17. November, wurde erstmals eine Mobilisierung der
sogenannten “Gelbwesten” über Facebook angekündigt. Der
Aufhänger war die neue Treibstoff-Steuer die Anfang 2019 in Kraft
treten sollte. Viele dachtenursprünglich an einen Flop dieser
Mobilisierung, aber als dann am Sonntag den 18. November die Leute
immer noch da waren, auch am Montag und Dienstag und so weiter, wurde
doch vielen klar, dass das Fass wirklich voll zu sein scheint.

Naja,
und seit dem 17. November sind mittlerweile drei Wochen vergangen und
die Leute befinden sich immer noch auf der Straße und an
irgendwelchen Blockaden. Seit Samstag den 1. Dezember spricht die
Regierung nun deutlich von einer aufständischen Situation.

Jetzt
stellt sich natürlich die Frage, was sind denn das für Leute die
diese Situation herbeigeführt haben, und welche Ideen treiben sie
an? Vor allem, da man ja ständig viele Nationalflaggen flattern
sieht und immer wieder die französische Nationalhymne angestimmt
wird. Uns ist hier in Frankreich natürlich auch aufgefallen, dass
zum Beispiel in Berlin am letzten Samstag die AfD und Pegida mit
Gelbwesten auf die Straße gegangen sind. In England waren es auch
Rechtspopulisten die sich darauf beziehen und natürlich auch in
Italien. In Deutschland wird die Bezugnahme der AfD und von Pegida
auf die Gelbwesten mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit dazu führen, dass
sich die emanzipatorischen Kräfte davon eher distanzieren werden.
Wir glauben hier, dass das ein Fehler sein wird...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/26706

Aufruf
zur internationalen Solidarität

„Seit
dem letzten 17.November hat an immer mehr Orten unerwartet eine
soziale Bewegung Form angenommen. Wir, die sogenannten „Gelbwesten“
, besetzen, blockieren, übernehmen die Straße, attackieren die
repressiven Polizeikräfte, sabotieren, untergraben, diskutieren und
träumen von besseren Morgen! Diese Bewegung zeichnet sich besonders
durch die Taten ihrer Teilnehmer*Innen aus. Die Rückkehr der Stärke
und der Macht der direkten Aktion ist natürlich gefürchtet von den
Machthabenden, die es bevorzugen, dass die Ausgebeuteten dieser Welt
folgsam bleiben und bei ihren diversen falschen Wahlversprechungen
und -spielchen mitmachen. Indem wir uns ganz an der Basis organisiert
haben und indem wir es abgelehnt haben Vertreter*innen zu wählen,
haben wir es verhindert, dass eine Macht wie üblich vermitteln
konnte, um uns in unserem Kampf zu schwächen...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/28226

FULL
METAL YELLOW JACKET

“Ein
einziger Slogan wird einstimmig von allen gelben Westen akzeptiert:
‘Macron démission’

„Schreckliche
Provinzler!“

Ludwig
XVI., 21. Januar 1793

Lasst
uns unseren Freuden nicht fernbleiben! Die Bewegung gegen das ‘loi
travail’ [ „Reform des Arbeitsgesetz“] im Frühjahr 2016, die
Verteidigung der ‘ZAD’ gegen des Flughafenprojekts NDDL im
Frühling 2018 und schließlich die im Herbst entstandene Bewegung
der ‘Gilets Jaunes’, die sich noch immer weiter entfaltet: Der
Geist der Epoche zeigt sich jedes Mal in neuen Formen des Aufstandes.
Im ersten Fall der cortège
de tête

[Frontblock der Demo. Demonstrationen wurden traditionell von den
Gewerkschaften angeführt, hier jedoch erstmals von Gruppen aus der
antagonistischen Linken], im zweiten Fall die Verteidigung eines
gemeinschaftlichen Terrains im ländlichen Raum, und schließlich die
unkontrollierbaren Blockaden und Demonstrationen im letzten Fall.

Ein
unbekanntes, aber doch vertrautes Gebiet beginnt gerade eine
politische Existenz anzunehmen. Die ‘Gilets Jaunes haben sich in
der Tat in einem peripheren Raum aus „Nicht-Orten“ breitgemacht:
Kreisverkehre, Mautstellen, die Parkhäusern der Einkaufszentren.
Achsen der Zirkulation, welche die atomisierte Funktionen der neuen
städtischen Mittel- und Oberklasse organisieren und regulieren. In
dieser banalen Umgebung des Alltags, in der Millionen jeden Morgen
und Nachmittag im Stau stecken, schien es als ob ‘Ereignisse’ bis
zur Unmöglichkeit neutralisiert wären. Statistiken zufolge lebt
etwa die Hälfte der französischen Bevölkerung in dieser
Peripherie, unsichtbar in ihrer Verzweiflung… Für ihre
Sichtbarwerdung mussten sie erst eine gelbe Weste überstreifen, so
wie andere eine Sturmhaube oder einen schwarzen Windbreaker benutzen…
Die Tatsache, dass das Komitee Adama Traoré (a) sehr schnell zu den
Kundgebungen der ‘Gilets Jaunes’ in Paris aufrief ist ein Beleg;
Beaumont-sur-Oise, der Punkt an dem die Pariser Banlieus und das
Umland der Ile-de-France zusammenkommen, verkörpert genau diese
Peripherie der Metropole, welche eine politische Existenz angenommen
hat (hier nach der Ermordung Adama Traorés) und sie nicht wieder
herzugeben beabsichtigt...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/full-metal-yellow-jacket/

Legenden
der Leidenschaft - zu den Entwicklungen der Gelbwesten (Toulouse)

„Mittlerweile
stehen wir vor dem 10. Akt, der am Samstag den 19. Januar gespielt
werden soll. 10 Wochen schon und noch lange kein Ende in Sicht. Im
Gegenteil, die Geschwindigkeit mit derer die Menschen auf der Straße,
in den Versammlungen und auf den verschiedenen Blockaden, das
Bewusstsein für ihre sozial-politischen Konditionen verfeinern und
sich einverleiben, lässt in allen nur noch mehr Wut aufkommen. Die
Leute sind stinksauer und um so brutaler und repressiver der Staat
reagiert, um so wütender werden hier alle.

Es
ist erstaunlich mit zu bekommen, wie all die Verletzten, die Toten,
die Inhaftierten nicht vergessen sind und wohl auch nicht vergessen
werden. Wer heute noch glaubt, dass hier die Menschen auf der Straße
Freunde der Bullen sind, soll sich das einfach mal anschauen kommen.
Die Bullen haben sich in den Augen vieler, die sie vielleicht anfangs
noch als Klassenzugehörige sahen, als Verräter entpuppt. Was die
Rolle der Bullen in einem Staat ist, wurde nun vielen durch die
praktische Erfahrung bewusst. Es ist die praktische Erfahrung von
Widerstand und Repression, die das Bewusstsein schärft. Heute
beziehen sich Menschen aus verschiedenen sozialen Herkünften in
Versammlungen immer mehr auf Widerstandspraktiken der letzten Jahren.
Immer wieder wird Bezug auf den Schwarzen Block genommen, als eine
Taktik die man sich aneignen sollte. Teilweise traut man seinen Ohren
kaum und denkt sich, „wow der Scheiß den wir über Jahre hinweg
gemacht haben war nicht umsonst“. Aus diesen vergangenen
Erfahrungen von Widerstand wird heute weiter geschöpft. Natürlich
wird es für gewisse Antagonist*innen, die sich gerne als marginal
sehen, schwierig sein loslassen zu können. Wir sind nicht die
radikalsten und die wildesten. Es sind immer die Menschen die für
ihr Leben kämpfen, welche am weitesten gehen. Und das nach 10 Wochen
die Leute mit ihren “Gelbwesten” immer noch da sind, hat genau
damit zu tun. Die Leute kämpfen für ihr Leben. Dafür, dass sie in
Würde leben können. Heute ertönt auch hier in Toulouse sicherlich
immer noch die Marseillaise auf den Straßen, aber wenn ein
„Antikapitalista“ oder ein „siamo tutti antifascisti“
angestimmt wird, kann man sich sicher sein, dass es massenhaft
aufgenommen wird, ganz zu schweigen von einem guten alten “tout le
monde deteste la police”...

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/28366

Love
hurts – Ein paar Worte zur Krise der Bewegung der Gilets Jaunes

„Die
Bewegung der Gilets Jaunes gerät ins Taumeln. Gestern nun war es
endlich so weit. Die ‘große’, ‘historische’ CGT hatte sich
nach fast drei Monaten dazu herabgelassen, landesweit zu einem
Streik- und Aktionstag gemeinsam mit den gelben Westen aufzurufen.
Regional hatte es zwar schon seit Wochen gemeinsame Aktionen und
Demonstrationen gegeben, aber der Führungsspitze der CGT fiel dieses
Zugeständnis sichtlich schwer. In alter ‘stalinistischer’
Tradition (die CGT stammt aus der alten KPF) hatte man wochenlang
wahlweise auf die rechtsextremen Elemente in der Bewegung oder die
Notwendigkeit der Präferenz der Organisierung der Klasse unter der
‘richtigen Fahne’ (der eigenen selbstverständlich) verwiesen und
gepocht. Man hat diese historische Notwendigkeit schließlich immer
und mit allen Mitteln verteidigt. Dies war ebenso im Mai 1968 der
Fall gewesen, als auch 2016 beim Kampf gegen das ‘loi travail’,
als schwerbewaffnete Mitglieder des Ordnungsdienstes der CGT mit
Gewalt gegen die aufmüpfigen Jugendlichen vorgegangen waren, die
einfach die Spitze der von der CGT organisierten Demonstrationszüge
gekapert und sich Kämpfe mit den Bullen geliefert sowie diverse
Scheiben von Banken, etc. zerkloppt hatten. Nun war diese
Konfrontation trotz stillschweigender Unterstützung durch die Bullen
nicht gut für die CGT ausgegangen, weil sich erstens die aufmüpfigen
Jugendlichen recht handfest und erfolgreich zur Wehr gesetzt hatten
und zweitens der Ordnungsdienst von allen Umstehenden, einschließlich
zahlreicher CGT Mitglieder, auf übelste beschimpft worden war...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/28899

Gelb(es)
Fieber – Lang lebe der revolutionäre Mob

„Am
vergangenen Samstag waren in Frankreich landesweit fast an die
hunderttausend Bullen aufgeboten worden, um der Bewegung der
GiletsJaunes das Genick zu brechen. Allein in Paris waren es 8.000
Bullen, die im Laufe des Tages über 1000 Menschen festnahmen, viele
hundert schon an den Vorkontrollen an den Einfallsstraßen und
Bahnhöfen. Über den Champs-Élysées rollten erstmalig seit 1944
Räumpanzer, im Vorfeld war in der staatlichen Propaganda von
möglichen Toten die Rede, um Leute von der Teilnahme an den Aktionen
abzuschrecken. Trotz eines entgrenzten Einsatzes von Tränengas,
Gummigeschossen und Offensivgranaten kam es vor allem in den
Seitenstraßen der Champs-Élysées zu stundenlangen Straßenkämpfen,
an verschiedenen Orten derPariser Innenstadt zogen Demonstrationszüge
und mobile Mobs durch die Straßen, errichteten Barrikaden, warfen
Schaufenster ein, wurden Geschäfte geplündert.

Dass
der Sachschaden noch den Umfang des vorangegangenen Samstags
übertraf, führt das Gerede von einem erfolgreichen Polizeieinsatz
ad absurdum. Schwere Ausschreitungen gab es auch in anderen
französischen Städten, die im Niveau das vorletzte Wochenende
deutlich übertrafen. Besonders heftig ging es in Toulouse und
Bordeaux zur Sache, wo ganze Straßenzüge für Stunden dem Zugriff
der Bullen entzogen waren. Bordeaux dürfte sogar die schwersten
Krawalle sei 1968 erlebt haben. In vielen Städten schlossen sich
linke Gewerkschaftler, Antagonisten und Menschen aus den Vororten den
Aktionen an. In Paris bekamen führende Faschisten ordentlich
eingeschenkt und auch wenn esweiterhin eine nicht zu leugnende
sichtbare und unsichtbare Präsenz von Faschisten und Reaktionären
gibt, ist doch zugleich auch die Präsenz von antifaschistischen und
linken Radikalen deutlich wahrnehmbarer...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/gelbes-fieber-lang-lebe-der-revolutionaere-mob/

Die
flics – ihre Strukturen und Waffen

Die
Verwirrung und Desinformation ist groß, was Polizeiapparate generell
anbelangt - das gilt ganz besonders für fremde Länder, wie z.B.
Frankreich, wo es 3 voneinander unabhängige Strukturen gibt. Das
deutsche Polizeisystem ist allerdings ebenfalls besonders verwirrend,
für diejenigen, die damit nicht aufgewachsen sind.

Hier
wird der französische Polizeiapparat einmal grob vorgestellt und
dann mit dem deutschen verglichen. Dabei kommt z.B. raus, dass es in
Frankreich deutlich mehr
Knüppelgarde
und in Deutschland noch deutlich zahlreicher
Schlapphüte,
also Inlandgeheimdienstler gibt. Außerdem stellen wir die 3
skandalösesten Waffen der französischen Bereitschaftspolizei vor
und berichten von deren Folgen.

Es
gibt drei verschiedene Polizeiapparate in Frankreich – hier ein
Überblick..“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/34735

Gelbe
Westen, grüne Westen: Wer hat schon Angst, nicht regiert zu werden?

"Es
ist dringend notwendig, Allianzen gegen die Katastrophe zu bilden,
die Macron derzeit darstellt.“

Seit
mehr als fünf Monaten kämpfen hunderttausende Menschen in ganz
Frankreich gegen die neoliberale Dampfwalze, die vom
"macronistischen" Regime mit einer so beispiellosen
Brutalität vertreten wird.

Diese
Revolte, die an den Kreisverkehren, an Orten der Gemeinschaft und
Selbstorganisation begann, die manchmal fast schon aufständischen
Charakter hatte, ist Teil einer Geschichte von revolutionären
Aufständen, die den Prozess der verordneten Ordnung durchbrochen
haben.

Es
ist eine einfache Tatsache, dass die Intensität und überraschende
Ausdauer dieser Revolte aus Momenten gemeinsamer Erfahrung entstanden
ist, aus dem, was man die unregierbaren "Commons" nennen
könnte...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/31591

Durchschlagende
memes – Was wir von den Gilets Jaunes lernen können

„Der
Moment der Gilets jaunes („Gelbwesten“) hat den Konsens der
Politik und des gesellschaftlichen Lebens in Frankreich gebrochen.
Seit November haben Hunderttausende Desillusionierte immer wieder
Ausschreitungen in den Innenstädten angezettelt, Autobahnen und
Ölraffinerien blockiert, Mautstationen und Kreisverkehre im ganzen
Land besetzt und sich Schlachten mit der Polizei geliefert. Während
sich die erste Phase der Bewegung mit Slogans gegen die von Macron
und seinem Team von Technokraten initiierte Benzinsteuer richtete,
weigerten sich die Gilets jaunes, nach Hause zu gehen, auch nachdem
die Steuer unter einem Kopfsteinpflasterhagel aufgehoben wurde.
Linke, Kommentator*innen und Politiker haben die Grundabsicht der
Bewegung nicht verstanden, während die Politisierten – von den
Anarchistinnen über die Gewerkschafter bis hin zu den Neonazis –
entweder versuchen, die Bewegung zu lenken oder sie völlig ablehnen.
Die Gilets jaunes haben einen Prozess angestoßen, den zwar niemand
versteht, den aber auch niemand ignorieren kann. Was auch immer das
Ergebnis der gegenwärtigen Sequenz von Kämpfen sein wird, es ist
klar, dass die Gilets jaunes die Regeln der Politik und der sozialen
Bewegungen, wie wir sie kennen, gebrochen haben. Wir halten es daher
für sinnvoll, einige Lehren aus dieser komplexen und unvollendeten
Sequenz zu ziehen, in der Hoffnung, dass wir in Zukunft unter
ähnlichen Umständen – die sicher eintreten werden – besser
handeln können...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/32315

Gelbe
Westen und Schwarze Regenjacken

„Zunächst
möchte ich sagen, dass dies eine persönliche Darstellung der
Situation ist, es ist meine Sichtweise auf eine sehr vielfältige und
komplexe soziale Bewegung. Die Bewegung der Gelben Westen wurde durch
einen staatlich initiierten Anstieg der Ölpreise im Oktober 2018
ausgelöst, obwohl dies bei weitem nicht der einzige Grund für ihr
Entstehen war. Die Einführung einer allgemeine
Geschwindigkeitsreduzierung auf den Landstraßen wurde auch als ein
Mittel angesehen, mit dem die Regierung die Einführung einer neuer
Steuer durch Anhebung der Anzahl der Strafzettel tarnen wollte.

Diese
Gründe sind jedoch nur die Spitze des Eisbergs. Die wahren Ursprünge
dieser Explosion der Wut liegen in der Politik von Präsident
Emmanuel Macron und der politischen und sozialen Situation
Frankreichs. Emmanuel Macron wurde gewählt, wobei nur die wenigsten
überhaupt FÜR ihn stimmten, seine Gegnerin war die rechtsextreme
Kandidatin Marine Le Pen. Eine Reihe von Wählern weigerten sich,
zwischen einer Rassistin und einem ehemaligen Bankier zu wählen.
Kein Wunder, dass Macron jetzt einen rechtsgerichteten Regierungsstil
verfolgt: Die Besteuerung der Reichen senken, die Angriffe seines
Vorgängers auf die Arbeitnehmerrechte fortsetzen, soziale Bewegungen
unterdrücken, Migranten schikanieren und abschieben usw..

In
diesem Zusammenhang erscheint die Bewegung der Gelben Westen als eine
wahre Volksaufstandsbewegung, die mehr damit zu tun hat, dass die
Menschen die gesamte Situation satt haben. Diese Wut nimmt jedoch
viele Formen an und war nicht immer auf die eigentlichen Ursprünge
des Konflikts gerichtet. Ich werde versuchen, die Entwicklung der
Bewegung zu erklären und ein Licht auf ihre Klassenzusammensetzung
zu werfen, dann werde ich versuchen, die Reaktion der Anarchisten und
Revolutionäre auf die Situation zu erklären, und dann werde ich auf
die Perspektiven der Bewegung und die aktuelle Situation eingehen...“

Weiter:

http://4sy6ebszykvcv2n6.onion.ly/node/34070

Paris:
Besetzung des Einkaufszentrums "Italie 2"


"…Die
Erde wird nicht von Leuten bedroht, die die Menschen per se töten
wollen, sondern von solchen, die dies riskieren, indem sie
ausschließlich technisch [...], wirtschaftlich und kommerziell
denken. Wir befinden uns also in einer Situation, die dem entspricht,
was aus juristischer Sicht als „Ausnahmezustand“ bezeichnet wird.
[....] Eins muss allerdings sehr deutlich gemacht werden: Es ist
nicht möglich, mit netten Methoden effektiven Widerstand zu leisten,
indem man Polizisten Vergissmeinnicht anbietet, die sie sowieso nicht
annehmen können, weil ihre Hände bereits von Knüppeln belegt sind.
Es ist ebenso unzureichend, ja absurd, für den nuklearen Frieden zu
fasten. Das Fasten hat nur einen Effekt: Man ist hungrig. Für Reagan
und die Atomlobby spielt es keine Rolle, wenn wir nicht mehr als ein
Schinkensandwich am Tag essen, das sind alles nur „Happenings“.
Heute ähneln unsere sogenannten politischen Aktionen auf wirklich
beängstigende Weise einigen Ausdrucksformen von Aktionen, die in den
1960er Jahren entstanden sind [...] Mit diesen Aktionen dachten wir
seinerzeit, wir könnten die Grenzen der einfachen Theorie
überschreiten, aber wir waren in Wirklichkeit nur "Akteure"
im theatralischen Sinne. Wir machten Theater aus Angst, tatsächlich
zu handeln [...] Theater und Gewaltlosigkeit sind sehr nahe
Verwandte...“

Weiter:

https://de.indymedia.org/node/40242

Ein
neuer Anlauf – Der Herbst der Aufstände

„Die
Gilets Jaunes, Hongkong, Ecuador, Haiti, Ägypten, Algerien, Guinea,
Libanon, Katalonien, und jetzt Chile, diese Geschehnisse markieren
den Beginn einer neuen Sequenz der Revolte.
Jene gewissen
Jemande (Quidams), noch einen Hieb mehr…

In
der Praxis
.
Selbst der kleinste Zwischenfall, den man dem Zufall zuordnen könnte,
kann sich nicht abspielen, ohne die gesamte Situation in Frage zu
stellen. Schön wie eine zufällige Begegnung, sich ereignend auf
einer Weltkarte, mit den Bullen und der revoltierenden Menge,
kristallisierten sich die Unruhen von Santiago in wenigen Stunden zu
einem Abbild aller Herausforderungen und Dispositionen unserer Epoche
heraus. Vor
Ort
:
Die immer größere Bedeutung der Zirkulation (Waren und Menschen),
die jede neue Preiserhöhung zu einer Überlebensfrage macht. Auf
der Seite der Macht
:
Die schäbigen Sicherheitsinfrastrukturen, die den unvermeidlichen
Hintergrund des kybernetischen Kapitalismus bilden. Und wenn neue
Greuelgesetze noch nicht erlassen worden sind, gibt es immer noch die
Möglichkeit, auf alte Reflexe zurückzugreifen. Konkret den
Ausnahmezustand und eine Armee, die sich seit Pinochet nicht
verändert hat. Auf
unserer Seite schließlich
:
Die unerbittliche Aktualität der strategischen Tendenz, der
unbändige Impuls eines Wunsches nach einem dauerhaften und
tiefgreifenden Aufstand, die bewussten Anstrengungen einiger Köpfe,
einiger Körper, die diese Bewegung tragen, von der unser aller
Zukunft abhängt. Schließlich der Mut von einigen tausend
Gymnasiasten, die allein wussten, wie man eine ganze Hauptstadt zum
Aufstand aufruft...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/ein-neuer-anlauf-der-herbst-der-aufstaende/

Aufruf
zu einer großen NACHT DER BARRIKADEN am 21. September in Paris

„Schon
viel Male wurden die Gilets Jaunes tot gesagt. Von den Medien, der
Regierung, den Linken. Und unter uns, viele Linke sehnen nichts
sehnlicher herbei als das Ende der Gelben Westen. Zu schwer zu
greifen, zu schwer zu kategorisieren, zu diffus, zu widersprüchlich,
aber vor allem sich jeglichem Versuch entziehend, kontrolliert und
manipuliert zu werden. Auch von der traditionellen Linken.

Aber
sie sind immer noch da. An jeden Wochenende. Mindestens. Seit bald
einem Jahr. In den Ferienmonaten des Sommers war ihre Anzahl auf den
Demos ziemlich zusammengeschrumpft, gab es sogar Wochenenden, an
denen kein Tränengas durch die Innenstädte Frankreichs wehte. Aber
nun sind sie wieder da. Werden wieder Woche für Woche mehr. Das
letzte Wochenende sah stundenlange Krawalle in Nantes und das dürfte
nur die Ouvertüre gewesen sein.

Für
den 20. und 21. September wird in ganz Frankreich zu Aktionen gegen
die „Klimakatastrophe“ mobilisiert, in Paris wird es eine riesige
Demo geben. Seit Wochen sind die Beschäftigen des öffentlichen
Gesundheitswesen auf den Straßen und auch immer wieder im Ausstand.
Ihnen haben sich in den letzten Tagen weitere Berufsgruppen
angeschlossen. Macron hat eine „Rentenreform“ angekündigt.
Natürlich nach deutschem Vorbild, d.h. Teile der Altersvorsorge
sollen privaten Zusatzversicherungen der Malocher anheimfallen. Die
Gewerkschaften haben entschiedenen Widerstand angekündigt, bei den
Pariser Verkehrsbetrieben kam es zu ersten breiten
Arbeitsniederlegungen... „

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/aufruf-zu-einer-grossen-nacht-der-barrikaden-am-21-september-in-paris/

Paris
am 21. September – Ein Rückblick auf den Acte 45

„Ein
schwieriger Morgen

Um
9 Uhr morgens kreisen die ersten Gilets Jaunes um den Place de la
Madeleine. (1) Das Polizeiaufgebot ist augenfällig umfangreich und
die „Roten Zonen“, in denen alle Demonstrationen untersagt sind,
waren noch nie so umfangreich wie heute. Die Trupps der schnellen
Eingreiftruppen, BRAV, BAC (2) und andere, spielen von den
allerersten Minuten an die Nahkampf-Karte. Jeder Versuch einer
Ansammlung von mehr als 100 Teilnehmern wird sofort angegriffen,
auseinander getrieben und mit Tränengas eingedeckt. Einem Umzug
gelingt es, sich in den Bahnhof Saint Lazare zu flüchten, was den
normalen Ablauf des Eisenbahnverkehrs für kurze Zeit unterbricht.
Ein schwieriger Morgen also, die Versuche, in die abgeriegelten
Viertel zu gelangen führen bereits zu diesem Zeitpunkt zu vielen
Verhaftungen...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/paris-am-21-september-ein-rueckblick-auf-den-acte-45/

Hongkong,
Paris, Marseille – Be water my friend

And
if we should die tonight
Then we should all die together
Raise
a glass of wine for the last time

Ein
milder Spätsommernachmittag am alten Hafen von Marseille. Die kids
aus den ‘Quartiers Populaires’ sind gekommen. Haben ihre Mütter
mitgebracht. Alte, müde, stolze Gesichter. Hart von der Mühsal der
tagtäglichen Arbeit, die mit einem Hungerlohn entlohnt wird. Sind
alle tragen ein Banner vor sich her, die Sonne wirft ihnen heute ein
Lächeln ins Gesicht. Sie hüpfen, tanzen, singen, lassen immer
wieder die Gilets Jaunes hochleben….

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/hongkong-paris-marseille-be-water-my-friend/

Ein
strategisches Essay zum Wochenende des 16./17. November in Paris

„Für
das kommende Wochenende mobilisieren die Gilets Jaunes anlässlich
des ersten Jahrestages des Beginns ihrer Bewegung landesweit nach
Paris. Angekündigt sind Aktionen auf den Champs Elysees,
Besetzungen, spontane Demos,…

Gelang
es im Nov/Dez letzten Jahres den Staatsapparat wiederholt zu
überraschen, Schneisen der Verwüstung in den nobelsten Vierteln der
Innenstadt zu schlagen, Luxusgeschäfte und Juwelierläden zu
plündern (allein bei Dior wurde Schmuck im Wert von 2 Mio
entwendet), und an vielen Stellen Bulleneinheiten in die Flucht zu
schlagen, dürfte der Sicherheitsapparat an diesem Wochenende
wesentlich besser vorbereitet und aufgestellt sein. Hier nun die
Übersetzung der Überlegungen einiger Gilets Jaunes, die
ursprünglich auf Paris Luttes Infos veröffentlicht und von mir
übersetzt wurden.

Die
Dekrete der Präfektur wurden seit Samstag, dem 9. November, erneut
aktualisiert, und die Demonstrationsverbote werden sicherlich im
Gebiet des westlichen Paris wieder in Kraft treten. Wir stehen vor
zwei Problemen: Der Mobilisierung der repressiven Kräfte und dem,
was daraus folgt. “Präventive” Kontrollen, zahlreiche
Verhaftungen, Überwachung der Umzüge…. Das andere Problem dürfte
die Zusammenführung der diversen umherschweifenden Gruppen zu einer
echten Demonstration darstellen...“

Weiter:

https://non.copyriot.com/ein-strategisches-essay-zum-wochenende-des-16-17-november-in-paris/

Brief
eines Gilet Jaune im Gefängnis - 29.04.2019

„Guten
Tag,
Ich heiße Thomas. Ich bin einer von vielen Gilets Jaunes
die in diesem Moment im Gefängnis schlafen. Seit fast 3 Monaten bin
ich in Fleury-Mérogis im Rahmen einer Untersuchungshaft
eingesperrt...„

Weiter:

https://de.indymedia.org/node/32859

Zeitenwende
- Anmerkungen zum 1. Mai 2019 in Paris

„Die
Pariser Demonstration am 1. Mai markiert einen Zeitenwechsel. So
sieht es jedenfalls Serge Quadruppani in diesem Artikel.

Eine
Block der Gewerkschaften, der zu einem minderheitlichen, nur
symbolischen, geworden ist; ein schwarzer Block, der angekündigt,
erwartet und gefürchtet wurde, aber schließlich nicht kommt; gelbe
Westen überall, die aber nicht in die identitäre Falle laufen, eine
überwältigende Mehrheit an der Demospitze , die den Aufzug
ausmacht. Diese Demonstration am 1. Mai erwies sich als insgesamt und
buchstäblich
autonom.

Der
Wasserwerfer, der absichtlich auf den zentralen Lautsprecherwagen der
Gewerkschaft bei der Pariser Demonstration abgezielt hat - genauer
gesagt, nach zuverlässigen Quellen, auf den Generalsekretär der CGT
(5) - hat ein Signal gesetzt, dessen Bedeutung vollständig erkannt
werden muss. Es ist ja öffentlich bekannt geworden, dass einige Tage
vor der Demonstration ein Treffen stattfand, bei dem die
Polizeipräfektur die Gewerkschaftsführer nachdrücklich versuchte
zu überreden, sich an der Aufstellung einer Falle zu beteiligen, die
es der Polizei ermöglicht hätte, das gute
gewerkschaftliche Weizen vom Spreu der Krawall - Gelbwesten zu
trennen
.
Ziel dabei war es, die Demospitze einzukesseln und in noch viel
größerem Umfang dem zu unterziehen, was während des 24. Aktes der
Gelbwestenbewegung Tausenden von Menschen auf dem Place de la
République stundenlang angetan wurde: Tränengas bis zum Ersticken,
Beschuss mit Gummigeschossen und Blendgranaten , Prügelorgien und
Verhaftungen, gefolgt von Razzien und einer Flut von abstrusen
Anklagen. Dieses beispiellose Manöver, das zwischen dem Boulevard
Raspail und der Rue de la Glacière stattfinden sollte, beabsichtigte
in sehr klarer und bewusster Weise einen politischen
Terrorakt

gegen die Gelbwestenbewegung und sollte deren Niedergang auslösen...“

Weiter:

https://de.indymedia.org/node/32450

Der
revolutionäre 1. Mai 2019 in Paris – L’acte ultime?/Der
ultimative Akt?

„Die
1.Mai-Demo in Paris galt dieses Jahr wohl als die gewalttätigste in
Europa. Tage zuvor haben sich noch viele eine revolutionäre
Situation von ihr erhofft, jedoch lief der Protest anders ab als
erwartet. Woran lag das? Eine Perspektive des Geschehens mit kurzem
Kommentar über Polizeitaktiken und Widerstandsorganisation...“

Weiter:

https://de.indymedia.org/node/32394

Paris
gehört uns

Noch
nie zuvor waren die Champs Élysées wirklich "die schönste
Allee der Welt". Für einen Tag wurde diese Arterie, dieses
Symbol des Luxus, zur Verkörperung einer wiedergewonnenen
gemeinsamen Kraft.

Ja,
die Ordnung hat es geschafft, den größten Teil der Unruhe auf die
Champs und die umliegenden Straßen einzugrenzen - trotz einiger mehr
oder weniger erfolgreicher Versuche der wilden Ausbrüche. Der XVIII.
Akt gewann an Intensität, was er durch die geographische Ausdehnung
verlor. Aber es reichte, um die Gelben Westen den ganzen Nachmittag
"Revolution" anstimmen zu hören. Es reichte, um zu sehen,
wie die Menge die riesige Metallplatte, die den Bulgari Shop
schützte, herunterriss, sie vorwärts trug und die Polizei angriff -
und dabei rief: "Wir haben gewonnen! Wir haben gewonnen!"

Weiter:

https://de.indymedia.org/node/30308

Gelbe
Westen, Akt XVIII: "Revolution"

„So
titelt ein hier ins Deutsche übersetzte Erlebnisbericht aus Paris,
der am 18.3. in «Paris-lutte.info » veröffentlicht wurde. Dieser
gibt ganz gut wieder, wie sich der „18. Akt“ aus der Perspektive
einer radikalen Protestgruppe abgespielt hat. Es war in der Tat
einiges los an diesem denkwürdigen „18.Akt“ der Gelbwesten –
Bewegung. Die schon totgesagte Protestbewegung mobilisierte dieses
Mal zentral nach Paris, wo es zu den vermutlich heftigsten
Auseinandersetzungen in diesem Jahr kam...“

Weiter

https://de.indymedia.org/node/30205

Der Beitrag Ein Jahr Gilets Jaunes – Ein Jahr Aufruhr | Ein Dossier erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

]]>
Baudrillard: When human rights and democracy began to circulate like oil and capital https://non.copyriot.com/12097-2/ Fri, 15 Nov 2019 11:35:31 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12097

In his current essay "Europa Fata Morgana" Georg Seeßlen speaks of post-democracy as a permanent state of emergency, in which the multiple crises (war against terror, financial crisis, Greek crisis, refugee crisis, etc.) fulfilled the function of maintaining it. Seeßlen writes: "The state of emergency can only be maintained if a problem is not solved but set into serial oscillations. Here and as long as we find ourselves in a permanent state of emergency, in a kind of crisis management as entertainment (in a double sense), the great projects of dwindling modernity: democracy, enlightenment, humanism, are suspended." This is largely consistent with Jean Baudrillard's diagnosis in his book "The Spirit of Terrorism" that today the universal is absorbed by the global. (Baudrillard 2011: 50f.) Baudrillard first states a "deceptive analogy" between the concepts of the universal and the global. While human rights, freedom and democracy can be attributed to the universal values of Western Enlightenment, globalisation is characterised by "techniques, market, tourism, finance, information". Like Seeßlen, Baudrillard sees Western universality dwindling, while globalization is apparently irreversible. Every culture that tries to universalize itself loses its singularity and must inevitably die off, Baudrillard diagnoses. He states that universalization, which in the Enlightenment still presented itself as a discourse on progress, today takes place as an endless proliferation of values, including their neutralization. He writes: "The same happens, among other things, to human rights and democracy; their expansion corresponds to their weakest definition, their maximum entropy. (ibid.: 51). Human rights, democracy and freedom today circulate globally in an entropic mode. Baudrillard seems to be torn back and forth; on the one hand, like Seeßlen, he notes the suspension of Western guiding values or even their demise in globalization, which in turn has only universalized exchange; on the other hand, he speaks of the entropic and at the same time endless circulation of universal values in the capitalist mode. Baudrillard writes: "First of all, the market, the promiscuity of all exchanges and products, the continued flow of money, is globalizing. In cultural terms this means the promiscuity of all signs, of all values, that is pornography … At the end of this process there is no longer any difference between the global and the universal, the universal itself becomes globalized, democracy and human rights circulate just like any other global product, such as oil or capital" (ibid.: 51). That Baudrillard seems undecided and does not consistently take the second position may be due to the fact that he subliminally equates modernity, technoculture and capital/capitalism. Following this equation, postmodernism must then be regarded as a special cultural formation or as a phase of capitalism, which is optionally described as information capitalism, consumer society, cognitive or simulative or cybernetic capitalism. It should not be denied that in such a philosophically overdetermined representation of capitalism the naturalization of capitalism, as noted by Ellen Meiksins Woods, takes place. She writes: "The specificity of capitalism is lost again in the continuities of history, and the capitalist system is naturalized in the inevitable process of the eternally rising bourgeoisie. (Meiksins Wood 2015: 220) But Woods also remains imprecise at this point because it does not distinguish between capital and capitalism.

Capitalism is to be understood as a thoroughly heterogeneous historical formation - from an economic, political and cultural point of view - but one that is essentially determined by the production and circulation logics of capital. Besides the dominant mode of production of capital, capitalism also has non-capital-determined modes of production, be they neofeudal, slum-like, corrupt and criminal economies, but also cooperative economies, which are only partially coupled to capital or not at all tied to it (only about 40-50% of all work done worldwide is directly subject to capital relations). Capital, on the other hand, should be understood as a conceptual and semiotic "model" or as a differential system whose production and circulation cycles follow a specific immanent legality that keeps it in equilibrium as it makes it crisis-like. Capital and its as the motor (which cannot be separated from a relation) of the formation "capitalism", in which the economy in the last instance determines all other areas such as politics, culture, art, science, etc.. This can be understood as "capitalocentric", and this concept is also directed against the fashionable concept of the "anthropocene". (Cf. Moore 2015) Louis Althusser speaks at this point of the capitalist mode of production, which he understands as a conceptual object or object that implies the relation between productive forces and relations of production. (Althusser/Balibar 1972) According to Althusser, the capitalist mode of production is the determinant, complex "core form" of an even more complex capitalist social formation that is pervaded by several modes of production. The theoretical analysis of the historically existing capital that articulates itself today as globalization requires the inclusion of as many empirical facts as possible. Within globalization, there are a number of unequal links, be it the nationally operating individual capitals, the multinational corporations, the respective national total capital, or the states. Yet these entities have a single common interest, namely the maintenance of the capital system. The globally networked context, also called the imperialist chain by some Marxist authors, must - come what may - be reproduced. Globalization is not simply to be understood as the sum of the actions of agents, but as the locationless site of the expanded reproduction of capital. The digital information and communication technologies and the corresponding discourse on global networks provide the material-discursive infrastructures for this purpose.

In this context, Baudrillard's statement must be understood that the absorption of the universal by the global involves homogenization on the one hand, and fragmentation and discrimination on the other, which are characterized by growing exclusion, one thinks of the useless share of humanity, of the nomads of labor and migrants. Seeßlen writes about the exclusion: "One excludes from the market those who do not make a profit (namely the right people), one excludes from work those who do not bring enough "performance" and will to exploitation and self-exploitation, one excludes from education those who do not join the elite formation, one excludes from supply those who cause too much costs, and so on. Neo-liberalism excludes not only people, but also economic dreams, cultures, views, and finally entire continents".

As long as the universal values still had a certain legitimacy, the singularities could be integrated into a system as differences. Baudrillard discovered the mantra of the philosophy of difference in consumption even before Laruelle launched his comprehensive attack on it. Baudrillard writes in this regard: "However, this compulsion to relativity is decisive insofar as it forms the frame of reference for a never-ending differential positioning". (Baudrillard 2015: 90) Now, however, in the course of globalization, it is over: "…but now they (the values) no longer succeed, since the triumphant gloabalization makes tabula rasa with all differences and values by introducing a completely indifferent culture or unculture.". (Baudrillard 2011: 53). Here, too, Baudrillard remains conceptually imprecise, but does recognize a tendency. Randy Martin has shown in his book "Empire of Indifference" that indifference and endless circulation belong together and that even today the asymmetrical, small wars circulate in the global network. (Martin 2007) What's more, the corresponding interventions revolve around the possibility of circulating, in contrast to the possibility of proclaiming sovereignty. For Martin, this is a shift similar to that of a shareholder holding the shares of a company to that of a derivatives trader generating wealth by managing risks. The unintended consequence of this risk management, which Martin sees at work both in global financialization and in the U.S. Empire, is the mere intensification of the volatility of what it involves. This results in a vicious cycle of destabilization and derivative wars, a characterization that Martin calls the "empire of indifference. This empire no longer distinguishes itself through progress or development, but promises its occupants only the management of a perpetual presence of risk possibilities. In the totalitarian, i.e. indifferent view of neoliberalism, there is ultimately only capital, including human capital. Consequently, current neoliberal policies intend and multiply the constant modulation of the economic risk for the individual and the statistical sorting of the population, namely into those who are successful in view of the risk and those who are definitely not - and nothing else means simply being "at-risk". And accordingly, neoliberal governance tends to move from the closed institution to the digital network, from the institution to the process, from the command to the (repressive) self-organization. Although it contains a political program, neoliberalism is anti-social, even more so the anti-social is the modus operandi of the neoliberal state, and this at the same time means indifference as part of its public grimace. Risk-polituations include governance as the governmentality of indifference. However, governance does not simply overlook the hedging of interests against interests, but tests the population's ability to produce interests in the name of speculative capital accumulation. This kind of risk management implies the universal circulation of monetary capital and with it the circulation of values, human rights and democracy. Circulation in turn corresponds to digital networking or the screen of the global as a one-dimensional universe.

Baudrillard here again states a tendency: capitalization and the digital networks that correspond to it emerge a gentle destruction, a communicative and genetic violence that is virally processed and seeks totalitarian consensus. Whether Baudrillard's theory of the viral is appropriate here or not, it is true that this kind of violence attempts to exclude all negativity and singularity. What is more, and this in turn calls into question the concept of homogenization and indifference: today, comprehensive inclusion can also take place via divergence or disjunction. Disjunction is a pure relation, a movement of reciprocal and at the same time asymmetrical implications that express difference as such. And difference is communication, infection or virulence through heterogeneities, whereby networking here consists in the fact that different sides communicate with each other in such a way that no unity, fusion or synthesis comes about. Inclusive disjunction means to put foreign elements into communication without a uniform logic being required. Today we have to think pessimistically about connectivity. Deleuze speaks of communication as a commercial professional training, of marketing and the transformation of philosophy into advertising slogans. He counters this with the voids of non-communication that can escape both the circle of communication and control as well as the diffusion of differences through inclusion. Within the system of inclusion, difference is a means by which power and capital perpetuate their domination. The effects of this temporal modulation are events, a set of unverifiable stories, unverifiable statistics and untenable justifications. The accelerating speed makes network media like the Internet a bubbling soup for conspiracies and insinuations, inasmuch as the sheer volume of participants and the incredible speed of information accumulation leads to new material for many other conspiracy theories already circulating in the time when a conspiratorial theory is buried. Everything is circulating. The panoptic view of the sovereign is today supplemented and expanded by the calculation and management of risk, with the agents circulating as information shadows. Total control of information shadows is achieved by algorithmic containment. Risk management is a constitutive part of the circulation of money capital and with its global circulation everything else begins to circulate, including democracy and human rights.

François Laruelle speaks here of "universal capital" instead of "capital", not in the sense of a historical-social formation, but of a universal "logic" to which all economic, social and political phenomena are assigned and subordinated. The monetary profit production of capital today encompasses a general surplus production that extracts the added value of money not only from labor, but from communication, from the speed and urgency of change. And capital even generates the surplus through the production of knowledge, images, marketing and slogans. (Laruelle 2012: 16f.) It may extract it from democracy and human rights. This "universal capital" works more stubbornly than any other historical formation to seize the surplus. It is more active and persecutes, sorts and guides people more intensively than any previous form of control, it acts softer and at the same time more deceitful than all previous forms of frontal attack, but remains perverse like any form of espionage and accusation and at the same time appears less brutal than open annihilation, less ritualized than the Inquisition - or to put it briefly: The "universal capital" proceeds softly and dispersively, instantaneously and maliciously. It is pure harassment. (ibid.)

We can conclude from this that capital always also needs its philosophical and political legitimation. And so it allows not only money, credit and itself to circulate as capital, but also its legitimatory discourses, up to the most general values, human rights and democracy. As such circulating signs, however, the universal values, in which Baudrillard is to be agreed, neutralized and differentiated at the same time, are emptied of meaning. Indeed: "Their expansion corresponds to the weakest definition, their maximum entropy."

Althusser, Louis/Balibar, Étienne (1972a): Reading Capital I. Hamburg.

Baudrillard, Jean (2011): The Spirit of Terrorism.Vienna

  • (2015): The consumer society. Its myths, its structures. Berlin.

Laruelle, François (2012): Struggle and Utopia at the End Times of Philosophy. Minneapolis.

  • (2015): Introduction to Non-Marxism.Minneapolis.

Martin, Randy (2007): An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management.Durham.

Meiksins Wood, Ellen (2015): The Origin of Capitalism. A search for clues. Hamburg.

Foto:Bernhard Weber

Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator

Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator

Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator

Der Beitrag Baudrillard: When human rights and democracy began to circulate like oil and capital erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

]]>
Ein strategisches Essay zum Wochenende des 16./17. November in Paris https://non.copyriot.com/ein-strategisches-essay-zum-wochenende-des-16-17-november-in-paris/ Fri, 15 Nov 2019 08:03:28 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12093

Für das kommende
Wochenende mobilisieren die Gilets Jaunes anlässlich des ersten
Jahrestages des Beginns ihrer Bewegung landesweit nach Paris.
Angekündigt sind Aktionen auf den Champs Elysees, Besetzungen,
spontane Demos,…

Gelang es im
Nov/Dez letzten Jahres den Staatsapparat wiederholt zu überraschen,
Schneisen der Verwüstung in den nobelsten Vierteln der Innenstadt zu
schlagen, Luxusgeschäfte und Juwelierläden zu plündern (allein bei
Dior wurde Schmuck im Wert von 2 Mio entwendet), und an vielen
Stellen Bulleneinheiten in die Flucht zu schlagen, dürfte der
Sicherheitsapparat an diesem Wochenende wesentlich besser vorbereitet
und aufgestellt sein. Hier nun die Übersetzung der Überlegungen
einiger Gilets Jaunes, die ursprünglich auf Paris Luttes Infos
veröffentlicht und von mir übersetzt wurden.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iK7jn7feVYE

Die Dekrete der
Präfektur wurden seit Samstag, dem 9. November, erneut aktualisiert,
und die Demonstrationsverbote werden sicherlich im Gebiet des
westlichen Paris wieder in Kraft treten. Wir stehen vor zwei
Problemen: Der Mobilisierung der repressiven Kräfte und dem, was
daraus folgt. "Präventive" Kontrollen, zahlreiche
Verhaftungen, Überwachung der Umzüge.... Das andere Problem dürfte
die Zusammenführung der diversen umherschweifenden Gruppen zu einer
echten Demonstration darstellen.

Am 21. September (1)
gelang es mehreren Gruppen von Demonstranten, die Champs mehr oder
weniger zahlreich zu erreichen, ohne dass es gelang, sich in eine
große Masse zu verwandeln. Die ultra- aggressive Strategie der
Präfektur erlaubt es uns nicht mehr, an einem statischen Ort zu
bleiben, während wir darauf warten, dass die Ansammlung von
Kleingruppen zu einer echten Demonstration wird. Die permanente
Mobilität der Demonstranten spiegelt sich zunehmend in der Flucht
aus dem Zugriff des Dispositiv des Polizeiapparat wider, ein
Phänomen, dass durch die Schwankungen in der Anzahl der
Demonstranten auf der Straße verstärkt wird.

Wenn wir am
Samstag, den 16. November, in Paris die reichen Bezirke sukzessive
von der Polizei beherrschten Bezirken aus infiltrieren wollen, müssen
wir die Form der Polizeibesetzung, d.h. die Taktik des polizeilichen
Besatzungsprozesses, der Konzentration von großen Einheiten an einem
Punkt in Betracht ziehen. Wir können sie nicht zerstreuen, indem wir
sie direkt angreifen, sondern nur, indem wir sie
entflechten.

Angenommen, die Notwendigkeit, die Champs zu
erreichen, ist zu einer defensiven Logik geworden. Seit dem neuen
Polizeipräfekten und seiner Taktik, die seit Mitte März praktiziert
wird, dürfen wir nicht mehr versuchen, eine festgelegte Position zu
sichern oder zu verteidigen, sondern dürfen nicht länger darauf
warten, umzingelt zu werden, bevor wir Gegenmaßnahmen ergreifen.
Angesichts des taktischen Grundrisses der strategisch wichtigsten
Orte muss unsere Technik auf Belästigung, Entmutigung und Ablenkung
der Polizei basieren.

Mittlerweile wird
jeder angekündigte Treffpunkt vollständig von der Polizei
kontrolliert: Deshalb wäre ein Treffpunkt in einem nicht zentralen
Bereich zu unserem Vorteil. Wir müssen von Orten aus vorgehen, die
nicht polizeilich untersagt sind, um so viel Kraft wie möglich zu
konzentrieren. Um diesen Vorteil zu haben, ist es notwendig, dass man
von Beginn des Morgens an in der Lage ist, die Macht, die sie mit
einer hohen Anzahl von Polizisten ausüben, aufzuweichen, sie aus
ihren statischen Kontrollpunkten zu locken und sie so schnell wie
möglich in die Verantwortung zu bringen, in den Stadtteilen für
aktive Ordnung zu sorgen, für die sei selber alle demonstrativen
Aktionen untersagt haben. Wenn dieser Effekt massenhaft greift, ist
diese Strategie nur allzu praktisch und wird sich je nach den
Umständen weiter entwickeln.

Lasst uns so viele
Überlegungen wie möglich über die möglichen Umgehungen der
polizeilischen Vorbereitungen anstellen. Denken wir darüber nach,
die Beteiligung der voltigeurs (2) zu minimieren und die CRS
Einheiten dazu zu zwingen, zwischen den Positionen hin und her zu
wechseln, mit dem Ziel der Desorganisation. Lasst uns die Feuerwehr
nutzen, um die Wellen der Polizei zu brechen, schaffen wir die
Löschfahrzeuge an die vorderste Front um es den mobilen Einheiten zu
erschweren in unsere Reihen einzudringen (3). Wir werden Momente der
Schwäche, der Panik aufgrund des Einsatzes des Arsenals der Waffen
der Polizei und auch der Auflösung von Gruppen erleben.

Wir müssen aber
einen Weg finden, uns trotz der andauernden Verfolgungsjagden der
Polizei neu zu formieren. Um den Fluss der Demonstranten
aufrechtzuerhalten, wäre es je nach Umfang der Demonstrationen
notwendig, andere Viertel für Versammlungen am frühen Abend
vorzuschlagen. Dies würde es uns ermöglichen, unsere Motivation auf
der Straße zu bleiben, zu stärken und am Samstag mehrere Phasen,
mehrere Kampfabschnitte zu realisieren. Um nicht aufgerieben zu
werden und um eine Fortsetzung unserer Anstrengungen zu ermöglichen.
Die Vielzahl der Momente, die dieser Tag hervorbringen wird, wird die
Weigerung hervorrufen, einfach zu gehen. All dies auch, um nicht den
ganzen Tag über außer Atem und ohne Perspektive zu sein!

- Lasst uns am
Samstag in mehreren Etappen kämpfen

- Eine Phase am
Morgen, einen am Nachmittag und eine am Abend.

- Gönnt Euch
Momente der Ruhe, um bis spät in die Nacht widerstehen zu können.

Eine weitere Woche,
um unsere Taktik zu überdenken, oder zumindest um der Vielfalt
unserer Handlungsweisen entsprechend den verschiedenen Situationen
Rechnung tragen zu können. Eine Woche, um so viele Menschen wie
möglich mitzubringen!

Einige Gelbe
Westen unter vielen anderen

(1)
https://non.copyriot.com/paris-am-21-september-ein-rueckblick-auf-den-acte-45/

(2) Ein
historisierender Begriff, siehe
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voltigeure

(3) Ob sich dies auf
das Equipment der Feuerwehr bezieht, oder von einer Beteiligung der
streikenden Feuerwehrleute ausgegangen wird, erschließt sich dem
Übersetzer nicht. Auf jeden Fall haben sich die Pariser
Feuerwehrleute jüngstens ordentlich mit den Bullen angelegt.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9WjanQjxJ-c

Der Beitrag Ein strategisches Essay zum Wochenende des 16./17. November in Paris erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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No Cop25 – Die Weltklimakonferenz in Madrid zum Desaster machen (deutsch/english) https://non.copyriot.com/no-cop25-die-weltklimakonferenz-in-madrid-zum-desaster-machen-deutsch-english/ Thu, 14 Nov 2019 13:50:20 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12090

Ab dem 02. Dezember kommen die herrschenden der Welt nach Madrid. Einige
der größten Mörder auf dem Planeten und einige der Hauptverantwortlichen
seiner Zerstörung. Sie kommen um ihre Mäuler und Kalender mit den
nächsten Plänen ihres „Kampfes gegen den Klimawandel” zu füllen. Während
der globale Kapitalismus weiterhin funktioniert und der größte Teil der
CO2 Emissionen von der industriellen Produktion stammt, während Konzerne
weiterhin Wälder und Berge zerstören, um ihre natürlichen Ressourcen
auszubeuten.

Unterdessen steht Chile in Flammen und seine Straßen sind mit den
Patronenhülsen der Sicherheitskräfte gefüllt. Präsident Piñera führt
seine politischen Pläne trotz der Revolte fort und ignoriert dabei, dass
seine Diktate schon vor der sozialen Explosion vermehrt im Fokus standen
und infrage gestellt wurden. Dank der Güte der Spanischen Regierung kann
er dies nun fortführen und so tun, als wäre alles in Ordnung.
Doch in Chile konnte die Ordnung nicht aufrecht erhalten werden und
daran möchten wir uns hier ein Beispiel nehmen. Wir werden den
Herrschenden der Welt nicht zugestehen, dass sie sich hier treffen, um
die Zerstörung der Erde unter dem Deckmantel von Nachhaltigkeit und
Respekt zu planen, als ob alles einfach normal weitergehen würde. Als ob
sie nicht die ganze Zeit an der Zerstörung beteiligt waren, als ob sie
nicht tausende von Leichen hinter sich lassen. Wir werden ihnen keine
Legitimität geben. Auch weil wir wissen, dass das Ausweiten der Revolte
die beste Art ist, um sich solidarisch mit den Rebell*innen zu zeigen.
Wie in Hamburg, wollen wir, dass der Gipfel zu einer Hölle wird. Wir
schlagen den Feind*innen des Systems vor, sich hierfür in Madrid zu
treffen, während die Eigentümer*innen der Welt dort ihr Treffen abhalten.
Achtet auf weitere Aufrufe und Informationen. Für Menschen, die anreisen
werden Schlafplätze zur Verfügung gestellt.

Wir glauben nicht daran, dass die Politik durch Geheuchel in Parlamenten
und Büros mit der Zerstörung der Erde aufhören wird oder ihren Weg zum
Kollaps stoppen wird, der immer schwerer abzuwenden ist. Aber wir
glauben an die Fähigkeit von Euch zu handeln, individuell oder in
Gruppen. Deshalb wollen wir zu dezentralen Aktionen aufrufen, um die
Verantwortlichen der Umweltzerstörung zu treffen. Politiker*innen
handeln nicht gegen kapitalistische Interessen, aber wir tun dies! Gegen
den Klimawandel; direkte Aktion.

Greifen wir diejenigen an, die die Erde zerstören!

-English-

December 2nd, the rulers of the world are coming to Madrid. Some of the biggest murderers of this planet, of the biggest responsables of its devastation. They come to fill their mouths and calendars with the next plans of “fight against climate change”.While global capitalism continues intact and most of the CO2 emissions emanate from industrial production, while their companies keep devastating forests and mountains to extract its natural resources. 

And if that wasn’t enough, at the same time, Chile burns and their streets are still covered by the amunition caps from the security forces. But Piñera couldn’t see his political planning disturbed by the revolt, he couldn’t admit the mediatic focus questioning his dictation before such a social explosion. And thanks to the kindness of Spanish government, now he will be able to continue with his plans withhout getting disheveled. 
But in Chile, normality couldn’t be holded anymore, and we neither want to hold it here. We won’t allow the world leaders meet to design the destruction under the look of susteinability and respect, as if everything continues to go normally. As if they haven’t been destroying all this time, as if they wouldn’t carry thousands of corpses in their backs. We won’t give them such legitimacy. Also, because we know, that the best way to show solidarity with the rebels is nothing but extend the revolt. Like in Hamburg, we want this summit to become hell.
 
Therefore, we encourage the system enemies to meet in Madrid, in the dates when the world owners have their appointment in this city. Stay aware to the next calls and infos. There will be enabled spaces to host those coming from other places.

On the other hand, neither do we trust that politics gestated in parliaments and offices will stop the destruction or stop the way to the colapse, that is increasingly inevitable. But we trust in the ability of every one to act, individually or in groups. That’s why we want to make a call for descentralized action to point the responsables of envoirmental destruction. Politicians won’t act against the Capitalism interests, but we do. Against climate change; direct action.

Attack those who destroy the Earth.




Der Beitrag No Cop25 – Die Weltklimakonferenz in Madrid zum Desaster machen (deutsch/english) erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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Scenes from the civil war in greece: A call to wake up! https://non.copyriot.com/scenes-from-the-civil-war-in-greece-a-call-to-wake-up/ Thu, 14 Nov 2019 07:04:41 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12086

November 12: In the early morning, the refugee/migrant squat of Bouboulinas in Exarchia is besieged and evacuated, after the anti-terrorist OPKE had sealed off the north-east corner of the neighbourhood.

November 11: Anti-riot police encircle some 200 hundred students in the economics faculty of the University of Athens.
Among the students, many are wounded after being violently hit by the
police. The previous evening, police searches had found material for the
making of molotov cocktails used in the resistance against the
country’s new authoritarian regime. Dozens are arrested.

Monday, November 11, early morning. After a long, partly forced
silence, here is our latest news from Greece, from Crete to Epirus (near
Albania), to Athens, with an unprecedented wave of searches and
arrests, false accusations against Rouvikonas , the end of the Golden
Dawn trial and Exarchia becoming a powder keg.

Greece: A leaden repression falls upon the social movement!

Yannis Youlountas (11/11/2019)

At all times and in all places, whenever power has hardened, it has
always extravagantly named those who resisted it. Under the Nazi
occupation or the junta of the Colonels, opponents were sometimes
referred to as “terrorists”. Today, this word and others from the same
barrel are thrown about all of the time against the rebels of an unjust
and deadly society.

In Greece, this phenomenon is even more marked than at the other end
of Europe. The semantic shift is total: rebel groups that have never
never killed nor wounded are singled out as the worst criminals. Among
these groups, which only aims for material damage, the Rouvikonas group
is about to be classified as a terrorist organization, something
unprecedented in Europe.

Once again, Greece is a laboratory for the hardening of capitalism
and the increasingly authoritarian nature of society on the old
continent. This is why we want to warn our comrades from the other side
of Europe of this shift: the criminalisation of the social movement can
lead to the worst legal condemnations, to long prison terms and,
ultimately, to a total censorship of our revolutionary ideals.

This process is accompanied by ever greater means of surveillance and
repression on the part of the State, which acts in the service of
economic and political leaders. More and more of us are finding
ourselves in the sights of a power that no longer accepts contradiction
and that tracks all forms of resistance with an ever more methodical and
sophisticated violence. What the social movement in France has
experienced in recent months is happening all over the world right now,
at the rate of uprisings that face a brutal and uninhibited repression.
In this global puzzle of a capitalism with no where to turn, Greece,
after a decade of exemplary struggles, becomes the laboratory of the
trap that is set for us: it becomes progressively forbidden to dream, to
propose a world rid of the political system that steals our lives, and
to fight against it. Whoever dares to resist slowly becomes a deviant to
be watched in all possible ways – with the support of new technologies –
and sometimes to be deterred or neutralised even before s/he has lifted
a finger.

Here is our alert, comrades and companions from the end of the world.
Many of us are worried about this shift towards an ever more
authoritarian society, in Exarchia but also elsewhere. We are witnessing
a reversal of the meaning of words. In his 1984 novel, George Orwell
wrote, “War is peace, freedom is slavery, ignorance is strength.” Today,
we can add: “Crime is daring to defend life”.

Police everywhere, justice nowhere

Since the end of October, in the opinion of many, our communications
are made difficult: HS internet servers, pickup computers, closed
Facebook pages, blocked personal accounts, censorship of all kinds,
phones lighting up alone and other delights of the technological era.
There are countless testimonies and I, too, was forced to silence for a
few days.

In addition, close surveillance becomes ubiquitous, visible and
sometimes threatening: a comrade who with me provides night protection
for the refugee squat Notara 26 had, four days ago, the tires of his car
slashed with knives. Then, as she was taking pictures of the incident,
the police officers came closer and said with a sneer:

-Next time, you’ll pay attention!

The next day, another companion of struggle who lives east of the
neighborhood saw a police officer brandishing his firearm in his
direction when he had simply told him to “fuck off”:

-I was tired of being followed, observed, asphyxiated in my private
life. The intelligence services of the state leave me no more intimacy
and do not hide anymore. There is obviously a desire to increase the
pressure, to dissuade us, to have us worry.

Who is terrorizing whom?

More importantly, police officers on Exarchia’s surveillance posts
have repeatedly harassed women, mingling their actions with words. The
tongues of the victims are beginning to loosen and we will have the
opportunity to talk about it again. Some cops at the Kalidromiou street
surveillance point often mention aloud a hypothetical “lack of hygiene
of the Exarcheia girls” on the pretext that they are “too close” to the
migrants; sexism and racism are one.

During the police patrols that pass by their windows, migrants
huddled in the squats are also worried. They have heard several
insulting injunctions reminiscent of those of the Nazis:

-Raus !!! In the shower !!! Soon the big cleaning !!!

The MAT (riot police) do not hide their opinions and sometimes carry their badges openly, among other signs of recognition.

In parallel with police pressure and violence, the power’s media
continue to announce the “imminent end of the cleaning Exarchia”. They
evoke the simultaneous evacuation of 4 squats around Exarchia square,
including Notara 26 and perhaps the K * Vox, Rouvikonas’ base. Some say
that the government wants to finish before the demonstrations of
November 17, the high point of the social movement, in memory of the
insurrection against the dictatorship of the Colonels in 1973, around
the Polytechnic School located west of Exarchia. An insistent rumor
speaks of a “final assault” that would take place this week. It is hard
to know if this is true, but a lot of elements are coming together.

Power is ready to strike hard

During the last weeks, power has been preparing for a long time.
First of all by trying to “convince public opinion of the need to finish
with it”. A minister even said:

-We must without delay restore order to the center of Athens. There
can not be a space without a State or a government, that is not
acceptable. The law must be the same everywhere, starting with the
respect for private property and the authority of the elected government
(…) Squats are illegal. Self-management has limits. In a democracy, one
cannot do just anything (sic).

The police apparatus is also ready for an even more important assault
than the previous ones (there have already been 5 from August 26 to
November 2). The DELTA mobile police, with their light motorcycles and
their purely repressive role, a re now operational. The announcement has
just been made: they are officially on the ground today. However, their
name has finally changed … because of their sinister reputation!
Instead of DELTA, they will be called DRASI (which means action). The
initial D is cleverly preserved. A little as if in France, we changed
the name of “mobile police” [voltigeurs] into “mobile campers”


[vandrouilleurs]

. Change your name to try to forget the liabilities, a
bit like political parties and big firms. Change your name so that
nothing changes.

New equipment has also been delivered without all of the details
being communicated. We are talking again about French equipment,
especially for the intelligence services. Another important point, the
changes to the penal code are currently going through to punish harder
all forms of resistance. Paroxysm of this hardening of the law, the
Rouvikonas group, which is considered by the government and the media as
the main enemy – because of their almost daily actions against all of
the instances of power – is on the verge of being classified as a
“terrorist organisation”. It is utterly insane if one compares the modes
of action of this collective with what one defined until now as being
terrorism, in Greece as elsewhere.

Rouvikonas never killed anyone? Never mind! Power is ready to invent
anything so as to distill confusion, like the incredible story that has
just unfolded over two days in Athens.

Rouvikonas member beaten and prosecuted for false accusations

On the night of Thursday to Friday, an anonymous rebel group went out
to attack the bus of riot police parked to the east of the
neighborhood, on Charilaou Trikoupi Street. This type of initiative is
commonplace, very common even, especially since the neighborhood is, in
part, under police occupation. But this time, the attack was, it is
true, more powerful than usual and the MAT was caught in a deluge of
fire, around ten o’clock at night. An anonymous action organised in
response to the siege of Exarchia and the attacks perpetrated therein.
That night, the Molotov cocktails injured three policemen, one in the
head and one in the leg. A motorcycle from the DIAS brigade was burned.
No doubt the goal was to kill.

But in the minutes that followed, the whole heart of Exarcheia was
stormed by all the surrounding police forces. Dozens of MAT invaded the
central square screaming and randomly struck at passers-by, men and
women, young or old, when they had nothing to do with the attack. The
scene lasted more than an hour. Among the residents of the neighborhood,
about thirty took refuge inside the bistro named Kaféneio (one of the
oldest of Exarcheia), but the police tried to break the door and
threatened to arrest everyone before giving up a few minutes later. A
famous TV reporter, who ran to the scene, was not recognised by the cops
and was hit in turn, causing laughter among the observers of the scene.
In their outburst of violence, the MAT were hitting their most loyal
ally!

On the upper side of the square, on the side of the K * Vox, dozens
of anarchists and other comrades began to regroup to protest against the
police violence and defend places and people. In a thundering sound of
grenades and a thick fog of tear gas, the police managed to catch a
protester and drag him to the ground, while partially stripping him and
striking him several times. According to several witnesses, he was then
tortured in Bouboulinas Street, a few dozen meters away, under the
furious yelling of police officers. The latter were even heard shouting:
I hounda iné édo!” (The junta is still here). This comrade is
well known and does not hide himself from being an active member of
Rouvikonas. He is a generous friend, supportive and experienced, hated
by the police but very appreciated among us. And above all, this comrade
had absolutely nothing to do with the attack that had just taken place
east of the neighborhood, as many witnesses confirm.

If it’s not you, it’s your brother!

Yes, but the police wanted revenge. It struck at dozens of random
people in the square (one kilometer away from the attack) and made 18
arrests. When the police saw the condition of our comrade, seriously
injured, they proceeded as they often do: arresting him for resistance,
and insulting and assaulting police officers. Completely ridiculous
facts, of course! A pure invention, unfortunately common when the police
beat someone. Another important fact: all the other people picked up
were released without being charged. Only our comrade found himself
before the examining magistrate, then the prosecutor, visibly wounded
and with a splint and bruises.

Why? Quite simply, to be accused alone of all the charges concerning
the nearby attack on the police bus. In other words, it was clearly
necessary to avoid associating people outside Rouvikonas with this
well-known member of the group, so as to establish the total
responsibility of Rouvikonas in the operation against the police
officers east of Exarcheia. An operation that clearly aimed to hurt if
not kill, given the method used (an organised attack, a surprise rain of
Molotov cocktails, a large group and fast). As you have understood,
although he has nothing to do with the alleged facts and despite the
numerous testimonies confirming to it, our comrade is used as an excuse
to accuse the whole Rouvikonas group of attempted murder of police
officers. The case is serious and falls dramatically in the midst of the
penal code reform; at the very moment when the new Article 187A will
allow the State to strike heavily against the well known Athenian
anarchist group. The trial of our comrade will take place this November
20th.

Terrorist, Rouvikonas? In reality, the first of all terrorists is, of
course, the power that steals our lives, manipulates us by playing on
fear and manufactures, more than the entire cnspiracysphere, tons of
fake news that does not show its name (what we could call the
“cretinosphere”, so much are we taken for idiots). This is how it
presents itself as a savior, a protector, a bulwark against the wicked
anarchists and other revolutionaries who propose another way of
organising ourselves, by taking our lives into our own hands in real
freedom, equality and fraternity; freedom to choose our lives, social
and political equality, universal brotherhood beyond fears, labels and
borders.

What is happening right now in Athens steadily confirms it. As
everywhere else in the world, power trembles, it feels that anger
rumbles, that revolt simmers, to the point of exploding in different
parts of the globe. That’s why it hardens further still and needs to
fabricate scapegoats to distract.

Terrorism in all shapes and sizes

The day before yesterday morning, a vast anti-terrorist operation was
launched throughout Attica, from Piraeus to Lavrio and from Megara to
Exarchia. The results of a dozen searches were unveiled by the
overexcited media of power: a total of 5 Kalashnikov rifles, a machine
gun, dynamite, pistols, tear gas grenades, grenade launchers, detonators
and explosives. This cleverly prepared catch is timely: the State has
found an internal enemy and will be able to justify its new laws, as
formerly the Patriot Act in the United States and the State of emergency
in France. “For your safety, you will have less freedom.” We know the
song!

During the first hours after the discovery, the news agencies
deliberately maintained confusion over the source of these weapons,
without any specific information on the arrested persons. Was it again
the fault of migrants? Rouvikonas? Of another group based in Exarchia?
Nothing filtered out and the rumors spread, until the name of an obscure
little group was evoked: “Organisation of revolutionary self-defense”
which had essentially attacked the French embassy in 2016, then that of
Mexico, in solidarity with the struggles in France and Chiapas.

As quickly, on all television channels, the new right-wing prime minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, had an orgasm:

-I would like to congratulate the Counter-Terrorism Service, the
Greek Police and the Ministry for the Protection of the Citizen for
their great success. To reaffirm, once again, my commitment to end
permanently and irreversibly the problem of domestic terrorism in
Greece.

Yesterday, searches and arrests continued, mixing everything up in
the greatest confusion, on the pretext of the previous day’s seizures.
500 meters north of Exarcheia, the premises of the School of Economics
of Athen’s University were thoroughly searched. The same occurred at the
home of many activists, including anarchists living on Strefi Hill,
members of the Gare group, awakened by 30 masked policemen in the
presence of their scared children, then to have their heads pushed into a
salad bowl, after having been dragged down the stairs.

A leaden repression is currently falling upon Athens and everybody is
threatened and tracked in a veritable funfair for policemen in need of
leftists and anarchists. A firework display for the valets of power and
the Ferris wheel for the new Prime Minister, a poor heir of the
Mitsotakis political dynasty, even more narcissistic than the vile
monarch of Prévert in his work Le roi et l’oiseau. Behind more
and more groups and individuals, in all forms and fashions, it is the
whole social movement that is targeted. The ultimate goal is twofold: on
the one hand, to intimidate us, to dissuade us and, on the other hand,
to spread fear among the population and to make all those who resist the
enemies of peace and concord. One has been told the same in France: the
State guarantees freedom, equality and fraternity. It is even written
everywhere. So what more can be asked for?

Good migrants and bad migrants

Even as the sinister camp of Moria in Lesbos has just exceeded the
threshold of 15 000 detainees (yes, detainees, because these people are
blocked, desperate and sometimes in a very bad state of health, in a
camp created by the European Union and initially planned for 2600
refugees), the Greek government boasts of having successfully completed
its operation “Golden Visas”. In recent years, Greece has granted visas
to all non-EU nationals who come to invest at least 250,000 euros in
real estate on its territory, something that mainly allows Chinese
businessmen to settle and to walk quietly through Europe, while the
Afghan or Eritrean refugees suffer martyrdom in the camps and the
hateful labyrinth of asylum services. 5300 gold visas have been given
since 2013, including 3400 to rich Chinese and also several hundred to
Russian businessmen. Fraternity is beautiful, is it not?

In addition to this cynical and sordid inequality of treatment, the
Greek minister of police said he was worried about the likely arrival of
dangerous jihadists among the new boats of migrants arriving on the
shores of the Aegean Sea. Once again, power uses the word terrorist to
distract, sow fear, stigmatise and mistreat people who most often have
nothing to do with what is being blamed of them. Since the dawn of time,
power divides to better rule, then arises as arbitrator and protector.
Power sows discord by pretending to ensure concord. It lies as it
breathes, gathers the crowds with streams of words devoid of meaning,
builds houses of cards and bases all of its power on paper: bank notes,
title deeds, public and private debt, ballots, texts of law,
constitution … Paper, nothing but paper, in a society which has lost
touch with the ground, trapped in its own spectacle and cut off from the
reality of a dying world.

Everywhere, the wind is rising

Two weeks ago, I was still in Crete where the struggle against the
new Kastelli airport begins to take another turn. As the first olive
trees were torn down, the question arises more and more about the
possible forms of the struggle. How to resist ? This is the question
that circulates here and there in Crete, as elsewhere. The hypotheses
are whispered. We are suspicious. We are considering many things without
knowing what tomorrow will be like.

Same thing a week ago, in Athens, where I was taking part in a
symposium organised by Rouvikonas and the new Anarchist Federation of
Greece (Anarxiki Omospodia, composed of different approaches
and currents), for two days in the completely full Embros self-managed
Embros theater. It had been years since I had heard so many relevant,
lucid, and prolific interventions in terms of proposals. Something is
happening, obviously. Something deep, clear and intelligent. Something
that looks like an awareness, criticism and politics. I emerged from
these two days as awakened, revived, enlightened, not by any
avant-garde, but by the fertile diversity of our debates, in a great
mutual listening and on an equal plane. For my part, I had been asked to
intervene on relations, communications and international solidarity. I
did not fail to convey your support and to summarise the many actions
carried out in more than 60 countries of the world in support of
Exarcheia and Rouvikonas. I also told the recurring anecdote about the
letter P in the black star. Indeed, I am often asked in the west of
Europe why there is a P in the Rouvikonas logo. Besides, it made the
hall laugh in Athens. In the Greek alphabet, the P is simply the letter
“ro”, that is to say the equivalent of R. It is thus the initial of
Rouvikonas, but in Greek alphabet!

The twilight of gargoyles

Meanwhile, the trial of the Golden Dawn has finally come to an end, six years after the assassinations of Shahzad Luqman and Pavlos Fyssas,
in a chorus of Nazi whining. After the parade of the main members of
the organisation (becoming, by turn, weathercocks at the bar of the
court, to the point that one of the frightened fascists even fainted),
the supreme chief of the supermen with blood reddened daggers spoke
last, Friday, as a final bouquet of a succession of lies and denials.
The prosecutor’s findings will be released in January and the verdict in
the spring. This trial was so long and tedious that it gave the party
time to disappear completely from parliament and fall to almost negative
scores, under the assault of the anti-fascist movement throughout
Greece. Golden Dawn was approaching the 10% mark in 2014 (9.4% for the
European elections). It fell to less than 3% in July and now to less
than 0.5% in the polls! The carriage became a pumpkin again and the
princes of the night turned into grimacing gargoyles, abandoning almost
all of their premises in Greece, including the largest on Mesoghion
Street in Athens. For weeks, the deputy chiefs and opportunists of all
kinds resign one after the other.

The king is naked. The Fuhrer even begs his judges: “I did not know!
“(for their attacks and the assassinations) like a vulgar boos of the
camps of yesteryear. Golden Dawn is no more, but fascism is, including
in the government and in the wheels of the State, more harmful and
virulent than ever. A fascism that once again tries to divert our
legitimate struggles against misery towards identity concerns of another
age, mythifying the past, finding scapegoats among the most vulnerable
and thus sparing capitalism and the authoritarian organisation of
society. Let’s not be naïve, the attacks and ambushes will continue –
like the one I suffered
in Piraeus last June and that only intensified my will to fight. Golden
Dawn was just a label on a poison, one of the many names of a universal
scourge, a transient facet of a problem that remains inseparable from
the authoritarian and capitalist society that generates it. The label
has fallen, but the problem remains whole.

That is why those who claim to fight against fascism without fighting
against its causes make fun of us. Capitalism, power and the media of
power are an integral part of the problem and are inseparable from the
monster they generate. The collaborators of this political, economic and
media system are not allies but impostors, especially when they
practice selective racism on the pretext of attributes sometimes borne
by the most miserable among us.

While awaiting the verdict of the Golden Dawn trial in Greece, I will
soon be aware, at another scale, of my verdict in France. In October
2017, Golden Dawn’s little European brothers, leaders of the Identity
Generation in France, Italy and Germany, sued me for participating in
the sabotage of their Defend Europe operation in the Mediterranean, as
they tried to block the rescue of migrants at sea by NGO ships. I won
the fist judgement in Nice, then lost on appeal in Aix-en-Provence, and I
am now waiting for the hearing in the supreme court of criminal
justice, that will take place on November 26 in Paris. I will probably
know at the beginning of December the outcome of this legal battle led
by my lawyers Dominique Tricaud, Matteo Bonaglia and Claire Waquet.
Another accused by my side, my friend Jean-Jacques Rue, is impatient to
know what the Court will decide. This decision will be highly symbolic
given the circumstances. I will keep you informed of the verdict as soon
as I get to know it. I sincerely thank ProActiva Open Arms for daring to testify at this trial to describe the actions of the fascist sailors, as well as Pia Klemp, my sea captain friend and one of the Iuventa 10, and Sea Watch, who also helped us a lot in Exarchia.

The righteous of today

In contrast to this selfish, cretinous and dangerous hate, many
solidarity workers help refugees and migrants, sometimes in very
difficult conditions, for example after helping them to return from the
sinister camps designed by the European Union, after police raids in
squats. This is particularly the case of an Athenian teacher who reminds
us of the righteous of old, taking risks with his hierarchy and,
sometimes, the police, and mixing his desire for a less authoritarian
pedagogy with concrete acts of struggle and mutual aid. This formidable
teacher practices Freinet Pedagogy on a daily basis, inviting
cooperation rather than competition, and also working outside, in the
homes of some children and their parents who are terrified by the
experience of the camps. This beautiful story can serve as an example
that will also be in our next film (1).

I have also recently been to Epirus, in the north-west of Greece,
near the Albanian border, in the middle of picturesque mountains and
camouflaged caves that bear witness to the time of resistance. It is in
this wild land that the Greek state now allows multinationals to
undertake oil and shale gas research. I will show you this struggle,
among others, in our next film “We are not afraid of ruins”. From north
to south, the resistance converges more and more between class, social
and environmental struggles, with the same obviousness: everything is
political and requires the profound questioning of a system that is
completely out of date, poisoned, sold to economic power. We are more
and more numerous to understand that we will not change the world
without transforming it at the root, in its most taboo creed, that is to
say, at the cornerstone of power.

We do not have time to be afraid anymore

To leave behind political prehistory becomes a vital necessity. To
organise ourselves differently, not only to take our lives in hand, but
to save life as long as there is still time. To pass from power as a
name describing those who dominate us or who claim to govern us, to the
verb power, which means to be able to choose, each one and together, our
lives. Only by getting rid of power as a name will we liberate power as
a verb. These homonyms are also antonyms. To be able to live free, let
us free ourselves from power.

From one end of the planet to the other, against the backdrop of
singular and sometimes seemingly innocuous demands, from Chile to
Indonesia and from Guinea to Lebanon, there is a deep desire for change
that rises until to Europe. A desire for questioning and reinvention. A
desire to end the old-fashioned politics and its procession of lies and
corruption. A desire not to let others have the power to decide our
lives, to crush us, to humiliate us and sometimes to kill us.

Friday night, at the end of the debate that followed the projection of Love and Revolution in Ioannina, a young woman said:

-We have no time to hesitate. We do not have time to be afraid
anymore. We have no other choice. We must alert ourselves and alert
everyone around us: things can not last, the planet can not go on, all
that lives can not go on, humanity is running straight into a wall … We
must wrest power from those who claim to rule us. We must tear away the
common good from those who stole it and sack it. We have no other
choice: to live free or to die.

(1) If you want to know more and help us produce our fourth film, We are not afraid of ruins (conceived and distributed like the preceding ones), it is here: http://lamouretlarevolution.net/spip.php?rubrique15
(Having given so far priority to solidarity towards Exarcheia and, more recently, towards a social kitchen, we are still only at 20% of the appeal to help us finance the film. Thank you for your support, a new item will be published soon)

taken from here

Der Beitrag Scenes from the civil war in greece: A call to wake up! erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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Imperialism and World Market https://non.copyriot.com/imperialism-and-world-market/ Wed, 13 Nov 2019 08:17:07 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12075

While there are important parallels between the national market and the world market, the latter is not simply a subcategory of the latter. A more detailed analysis of the world market reveals that it is more than just the aggregation of states and enterprises, namely a complex structure, a chain of international relations, flows of goods and money capital, and monetary causal links that, while building on the different national states and the different systems of capital power, develop a certain autonomy in the complex structure of the world market and yet do not have a single economic constitution. The world economy is not simply the sum of national parts, but is itself a hierarchically differentiated system of states and transnational corporations within which the growth of capital exports of the enterprises of the leading imperialist states is promoted, the space for capital circulation and the financial industry is expanded, and a complex relationship between leading and subaltern nations is established within the framework of complicated networks of information transmission.

The expansion of financial markets and the massive export of capital from the U.S., Western Europe and Japan to the peripheral states since the 1970s contributed to the partial deindustrialization of these capitalist countries, led to the import of cheap consumer goods there, and enabled the export-oriented industrialization of peripheral states. The foreign exchange reserves, which China in particular generated through its export-oriented growth model, flowed into US government bonds and other financial assets, thereby strengthening the expansion of the financial markets. The countries of the global South and their growth strategies remain dependent on a continuous influx of foreign capital and foreign sales markets. China and other emerging economies cannot currently be interested in a decline of the neoliberal regimes of the West, since they are fully integrated into the neoliberally oriented world order.

The deepening of the international division of labour and the integration of countries and companies at the economic level always require corresponding political regulations, agreements and treaties. However, with the increasing transnationalization of capital, supra-transnational institutions are increasingly being created for international regulation, and informal agreements between governments are becoming increasingly frequent. It should be noted that political processes that used to be related to parliamentary democracy are now being transformed into supra-national institutions dominated by experts, which themselves largely evade formal democratic control (the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the EU and the European Central Bank are to be mentioned here). Under all these conditions, the cyclical forms of profit cycles, especially the production of average profit rates, the tendency of the profit rate to fall and its opposite tendencies, can no longer be discussed at the level of national economies alone. The international capital and price movements do not lead to average profit rates on the world market, but the national differences in productivity and the development of profit rates are specifically modified on the world market.

From this point of view, the financial system today performs the following on the international level: 1) The overcoming of borders and frictions that can be traced back to national territorialization and national-state restrictions. 2) The opening of national economies to foreign companies. 3) Overcoming the sluggishness of traditional industrial production, which is now even "made easier" by integration into global value chains. 4) Promoting international competition. The international financial system has the function of stabilizing and strengthening the dominance of the large corporations and imperialist states in the world system, while conversely the position of a country on the world market, the use of its own currency in international trade and its military power strengthen the possibility for domestic enterprises to further expand their power and control over economic resources at the international level. And few countries have an internationally functioning banking and financial system that requires at least developed foreign trade and an extensive international investment business, that is, intensive financial economic relations to other countries.

The liberation of the financial system from the barriers of mere national money is an important component of the monetary interdependence of national economies on the world market and leads to a comprehensive internationalization of the financial system. The states themselves create certain conditions for the international business of the financial system by issuing rules for payment transactions between the national payment systems; they offer insurance for certain transactions or provide guarantees for the regular payment of exports; and they grant licenses to foreign financial companies to conduct business in their own countries. In addition, the national central banks manage the currency trade according to the respective national exchange rates. In order to smooth erratic price movements on world markets, a whole series of further measures are being installed. The balance of foreign trade and payments and exchange rate movements are important parameters that indicate the constant efforts of a national economy and its companies to compete for the exploitation of the money capital circulating on the world market.

Those companies whose growth on their own national market is limited due to a lack of demand and which therefore have to expand on the world market, absolutely need a developed banking system which organises the circulation of the respective national currencies. The services provided by private banks to exporting and importing companies are extended by their own credit transactions, which in turn relieve the companies of special risks in foreign business, for example by guaranteeing the creditworthiness of their domestic companies to foreign business partners according to the rules applicable in their country and at the same time exercising the rights of their domestic companies vis-à-vis foreign business partners. (Decker/Hecker/Patrick 2016: 126) The private banks do not function merely as service providers for export and import transactions, but above all as organisations for their own profitable credit transactions. They trade the arbitrage of currencies by buying them cheaply across currency borders and selling them dearly. When exchange rates float freely, the private banks with their international money movements constantly re-evaluate the currencies among themselves.

Speculative uncertainty and risks always remain part of the accumulation of money capital, which in turn is a resource for insurance and derivatives trading. Various indicators, indices and parameters can become the subject of financial speculation; the national differences between growth rates, interest rates, government debt ratios, inflation rates, exchange rates, etc. can be taken into account. This means that there is a molecular assessment of monetary performance and flow variables, which are basically uncertain in their course and therefore have to be hedged with a variety of derivative instruments (which for some companies can be a profitable business, but does not have to be). With these mechanisms, the international financial system creates an enormous volume of sales, drives capital accumulation on a global scale, and evaluates and influences the hierarchy of states and their currencies as well as that of transnational corporations in global competition. A distinction can be made between the economically strong countries, whose economies function more or less smoothly both as sources of credit and investment spheres for money capital, i.e. as successful financial centres, and the dependent countries, whose economies do not possess such capacities. Certain financial firms organise speculative rigour tests for countries that have doubts about their creditworthiness, be it that fundamental data such as inflation rates or the increase in public debt relative to economic growth are precarious, be it that speculation is overheated to future growth at the location in question, for which reason financial institutions react with higher interest rates on government bonds. The power with which the financial industry functions states and companies for its own business always exists in the form of currencies, which in turn are significantly influenced by the imperialist states. In general, all countries must strive to ensure that their companies make profits abroad in order to generate foreign exchange.

In recent years, the debate about the concept of imperialism has been resumed, but in a different sense than Lenin or Hilferding had still discussed it in the twentieth century. In his book The City, Tony Norfield summarizes his own definition of imperialism, based on the topicality of the mechanisms of today's world market, as follows: A small number of imperialist states today form a hierarchical alliance on the world market, constituted simultaneously by large multinational corporations that produce enormous quantities of goods and services and capitalize capital of all kinds and financial services. The large international corporations are still investing today, but less in their own economies. The liberalization of world trade, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the development of logistics allow the large corporations in the capitalist core countries new sources of profit and investment opportunities in the global South, while the prices of their inputs fall from there due to cheap imports. The economic centres of power are thus based on a complex interplay between imperialist states, which, by providing material and social infrastructure, are the starting platforms for developed capital, and large transnational corporations, whose money capital flows constantly around the globe. The economic power relations between the leading capitalist economies are strictly hierarchized, but the relative power of the individual countries and their economies can always shift. The result is a division of the world based on the expansive exercise of the economic, political and military power of states and their large corporations. (Norfield 2016: Kindle-Edition: 189f.) The leading imperialist states must have reached a certain economic scale to enable a high concentration of capital, a developed and differentiated labor market in their own country, and advantageous access to economic resources on world markets and, to a certain extent, control over international capital flows.

The dominant power in an international geo-economic and geo-political comparison is still the United States, mainly because of its military strength and the dollar as the leading currency. Norfield names five concrete criteria that are decisive for a country's economic and political power position on the world market: 1) The size of a country's economy (an approximate figure is GDP). 2) The amount of foreign assets an economy has. 3) The international power of one's own banking sector. 4) The status of one's own currency as an internationally valid means of payment. 5) The level of military expenditure. (ibid.: 1960ff.)

The political-economic power position of a country on the world market can ultimately only be determined if its economic and political relations with other countries are taken into account. Norfield comes to the conclusion that today twenty countries occupy important and leading positions on the world market, in particular because of the strength and potency of their economies. The USA holds the leading position in four of the five above-mentioned criteria and is only surpassed by Great Britain with its financial centre London with regard to the size of its own banking system and its services in the international context (interbank trade). Due to the high number of banks and direct investments related to foreign assets, the UK ranks second ahead of Germany (4th place), which is regarded as the leading political power in Europe. China ranks third as the leading emerging market. (ibid.: 2060) Below the scale are the so-called commodity countries, which are particularly interesting as suppliers of cheap raw materials, energy, food and labour (Jason W. Moores Cheap Four; Moore 2016) both for the western industrialised countries and for the emerging states and are therefore permanently monitored and evaluated on commodity exchanges. A special role is played by the oil states, whose unique natural product, oil, has earned them a large share of the abstract wealth on the world markets and which are now themselves trying to establish new international locations for the creation of credit and the trading of fictitious and speculative capital.

The large companies of the imperialist countries have important economic advantages on the world market (they can set prices, i.e. offer products, services and monetary capital at comparatively low prices and produce their goods with the most effective and cost-effective technologies). They occupy, which is often underestimated, a powerful position in the networks of the national economy and those of the world economy. The latter precisely because of their intensive relations with their own state. The imperialist states massively protect the property rights of their own companies (patents) and through a series of political measures strengthen their economic power in international trade and the expansion of foreign direct investment. Last but not least, they secure the soundness of their own currency especially in crises and thus act as public insurance institutions for capital. The powerful financial enterprises also enjoy the permanent support of their national base, if only through the privileged access to their own currency, which they receive through the domestic central bank.

Today, the economic power of large corporations on world markets unfolds in particular through the so-called global value chains, i.e. through densely networked and transversal spaces constituted by infrastructures, information, goods and social actors and through which money capital flows. These transnational spaces with their nodes, lines and borders are traversed by material and immaterial flows of logistics and flows of capital. Digital programs such as Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP), which converts information about warehousing, production and human resources stored in databases into key figures, also open up new calculation possibilities, such as outsourcing, competition between different production locations and the calculation of supply routes, for example on the oceans, which are made possible by the evaluation of the various parts of the company. (Lee/Martin 2017: Kindle Edition: 2312) Logistics transforms the factory into divided networks of production and circulation scattered across the globe, which do not eliminate the territories of the nation states, but redesign them.

If, for example, foreign suppliers supply parts for a product whose final assembly is carried out in the factory halls of a group of companies located in a western industrialized country, then this group does not have direct access rights to the suppliers, but if they are located in low-wage countries, they remain entirely tied to and dependent on the production cycles of the companies in the rich countries (e.g. Foxconn). John Smith estimates, on the basis of data from the UNCTAD World Trade Conference, that about 80% of world trade today is conducted through the production and distribution networks of international companies and that it would therefore be wrong to focus analysis of world market relations and global value chains only on data available on foreign direct investment. (Smith 2016: 50) UNCTAD estimates that intermediate products and services at various stages of production account for about 60% of global trade. Take, for example, the iPhone, which is designed and permanently redesigned in Silicon Valley, while the individual parts are manufactured and assembled (by Foxconn) in Asia for production costs of around 225 dollars, and then shipped as a product to the USA (transport costs of 85 dollars are incurred), where it is finally sold for 650 dollars. The only moment when Apple's profits extracted from production in China are directly visible there is the sale of Apple products on the Chinese market. Today we are dealing with a super-exploitation of the workers (Smith) in the south-eastern hemisphere of the world, carried out by certain transnational companies, with profits constantly being transferred to the northern imperialist countries. A large and still growing proportion of those workers who are integrated into the global value chains are now in the rising countries. So much of global industrial production has been shifted from the North to the South, for example to produce T-shirts in Bangladesh or the latest electronic gadgets in China; the stream of abstract wealth created by Chinese and other low-wage workers that sustains and increases the profits and prosperity of northern firms and nations does not appear in the economic data of Western economic institutes and the brain boxes of bourgeois economists. Smith argues at this point that outsourcing parts of companies to foreign countries is a conscious strategy of the capital of the leading imperialist countries, shifting the entrepreneurial risk to supplier firms and especially to countries where trade unions are weakly organized and thus capital could successfully pursue strategies to lower wages and social costs, while at the same time intensifying the exploitation of workers in the imperialist countries, accompanied by the expansion of employment in the low-wage countries.1 (Ibid.: 22)

The power of the state also depends on the economic strength of the multinational companies on the world market, which have wide-ranging international trade and production networks. The state in turn supports the companies by protecting property rights (patents) and negotiating certain economic agreements. Oligopolistic enterprises and imperialist states are therefore mutually dependent. A leading multinational company not only distinguishes its economic size and productivity, its degree of networking or market success, its global value for certain products or services, but also its backing by its own imperialist state and the advantages that can be derived from this affiliation. Today, the problem also arises that some financial institutions are not simply too networked, but are simply far too large to be saved at all by state subsidies in critical situations. These mega-companies are permanently engaged in significant international business operations and have an enormous political lobby in their own countries as well as in others. Even as international corporations, they are usually still national companies in so far as they own a single national capital location and expand internationally from there through hostile takeovers, mergers and investments. The powerful capitalist corporations and imperialist states are today the key players on the world markets, insofar as they can set almost all important conditions for international trade, the financial system and cross-border investment flows, and ultimately derivatives trade. But the governments of the imperialist states also set certain limits to the market operations of the international corporations, some of which are negotiated between the states themselves. For example, products that are to be sold abroad can be subject to high local taxation or import tariffs, or they may not even be sold because they fail to meet certain industrial and ecological standards abroad; exports to one's own country can be prevented, as the USA and the EU do with their restrictions on certain agricultural imports from Africa, or vice versa foreign industries can be weakened by their own cheap exports. Some companies profit from the restrictions on foreign products in their domestic countries and expand their position on the world market as a result. In return, however, they also generate income, employment and higher tax revenues for another country. While certain companies, which operate particularly intensively on the world market, do not necessarily have the abstract wealth of their own nation in mind, the imperialist states will always try to promote both the expansion of their own companies and their own country as a location for production and capital, and ultimately the domestic economy as a whole. The more economic resources a country has, the more powerful its state will be, and this in turn will be to the advantage of domestic companies and also of the privileged sections of its own population.

When analysing the world market, the respective access of multinational companies to the internationally active financial industry must always be taken into account. Globally operating corporations absolutely need their financial services, such as the stability of international payment systems, the role of foreign exchange in international trade, long-term investments, securities and derivatives trading, short-term loans and, in general, the exchange of money for money. The important functions of the financial system for the capital economy can today only be comprehensively assessed in an international context. While there is a differentiated division of labour within the financial system itself, such as bank lending, securities management, currency trading, stock and bond markets, etc., its most important organizations and operations are concentrated only in the few imperialist countries. Financial capital generally arises from the needs of the market economy of capital and is at the same time an important instrument of the leading imperialist countries and their companies to maintain and improve their privileged status on the world market, with the financial industries generating assets and incomes from all sorts of countries. In the economically strong countries, not only the famous one percent of the super-rich, but also a much higher proportion of the population benefit from the financial status of their own country on the world market, in that even workers and employees still hold financial securities, which in turn are traded on the world markets. Even high-turnover financial institutions such as insurance companies and pension funds are mostly located in the rich countries, as there are population groups here that are financially able to invest in such funds.

Easy access to one's own currency via the domestic central bank can significantly increase the economic influence of (financial) companies on other countries. Although a US bank based in France, for example, is subject to certain restrictions there, it can offer US companies and also companies from other countries in France more favourable access to the dollar due to its networking with US financial capital and the Fed. Financial companies have a better chance of expanding on the world market if their countries already have a dominant position in global trade, direct investment and securities trading and if financial transactions are carried out to a large extent with their own currency. Economic power also consists in the power to grant large amounts of credit and easy access to the credit markets, which in turn means being able to borrow at relatively low interest rates anywhere in the world. All in all, this means taking an influential position in the global financial networks. And this in turn also depends on the state to which the financial company belongs, because it provides the technological infrastructure that is absolutely necessary to enable the company's economic expansion at all.

Tony Norfield mentions three important factors that indicate that the financial sector plays a dominant role in the economy of an imperialist country and especially in the world economy (Norfield 2016: Kindle-Edition: 2926ff.) :

a) The use of funds from abroad to lend them to domestic companies and the state. Today, this can be done in particular by US financial companies (due to the US dollar in its function as the world's leading and reserve currency) and the London-based banking system.

b) The financing of investments made abroad by domestic companies to set external value-added production processes in motion. This can be done through bank financing or equity markets and allows further concentration of capital across national borders.

c) The appropriation of part of the globally produced added value by the large private banks and investment funds of the imperialist states granting loans and other financial securities to domestic and foreign companies and states. Each of these financial advantages of the companies of an imperialist state also depends on their privileged relations with certain other, equally privileged states.

1 The hundred largest multinational companies - by turnover, Royal Dutch Shell leads ahead of Exxon, Toyota and Volkswagen - have an average of 549 branches, with two-thirds of branches abroad. Today, for example, Siemens produces and sells in more than 200 countries.

Translated by deep.l.

Foto: Bernhard Weber

Der Beitrag Imperialism and World Market erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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“Das Maß an Unterwerfung, die der Westen jedem Bewohner abverlangt” https://non.copyriot.com/das-mass-an-unterwerfung-die-der-westen-jedem-bewohner-abverlangt/ Tue, 12 Nov 2019 11:43:28 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12079

30 Jahre nach der Wende finden die Texte
der linken DDR-Opposition wieder mehr Beachtung. Das macht deutlich,
dass die offizielle Erzählung Risse hat

Nun sind die Feierlichkeiten zum 30ten Jahrestag des Mauerfalls
auch schon Geschichte. Es gab natürlich viel Selbstbereicherung der BRD.
Doch die Erzählung, dass mit dem 9. November 1989 die Freiheit über die
Tyrannei gesiegt hat, bleibt nicht mehr unwidersprochen. Der Aufbruch Ost ist eine Initiative junger Leute, die die offizielle Einheitserzählung hinterfragen.

Auch die Arbeit der Treuhand wird von ihnen kritisch gemustert. Wenn
die Initiatoren den Anspruch bekräftigen, die ostdeutsche Debatte nach links verschieben zu wollen
und dabei bewusst an die linke DDR-Opposition anknüpfen, dann kann man
das nur begrüßen. Allerdings ist es schon verwunderlich, dass die
Initiative selbst die Spielregeln des linksliberalen Diskurses so
verinnerlicht hat, dass allen der Begriff Klassenkampf tabu zu sein
scheint.

So heißt es in der Wochenzeitung Freitag,
die in den letzten Wochen eines der zentralen Medien wurde, wenn es um
eine andere Erzählung der Ereignisse vor 30 Jahren geht:

"Aufbruch Ost" besteht aus 40 bis 50 aktiven Mitgliedern,
überwiegend Studenten. Neben Leipzig hat sich eine weitere Ortsgruppe in
Erfurt gegründet. Einige arbeiten 20 Stunden die Woche für das
Kollektiv. Mails beantworten, Veranstaltungen organisieren, Interviews
geben. Viel unbezahlte Arbeit für wenig Diskursverschiebung.

In Zukunft soll der inhaltliche Fokus noch deutlich breiter werden.
"Wir wollen Leute in Ostdeutschland dazu ermutigen, sich wieder zu
ermächtigen, für gewerkschaftliche Organisation oder die Gründung von
Betriebsräten. Für einen emanzipatorischen Aufbruch von unten, von
links", sagt Jette Helberg. Klingt nach Klassenkampf? Helberg lächelt,
macht eine kurze Pause. "Mit solchen Begriffen arbeiten wir nicht", sagt
sie.

Aus: Wochenzeitung Freitag

Für eine aktive Interessenvertretung der Lohnabhängigen

Es ist zu hoffen, dass die Initiatoren von Aufbruch Ost die Scheu vor
dem Begriff Klassenkampf verlieren, wenn sie es ernst meinen mit ihrem
löblichen Vorhaben, gewerkschaftliche Initiativen zu fördern. Sie können
damit an einen Strang der linken DDR-Opposition anknüpfen, der heute
wenig bekannt ist.

Auf der Großdemonstration am 4. November verzichtete der Dramatiker
Heiner Müller auf eine eigene Rede und verlas stattdessen einen Aufruf zur Gründung unabhängiger Gewerkschaften, der nicht nur eine vernichtende Kritik an den DDR-Staatsgewerkschaften enthielt. So heißt es in den ersten drei Absätzen:

Was hat der FDGB in 40 Jahren für uns getan? Hat er die Frage
der Arbeitszeitverkürzung als ständige Forderung an die Betriebsleitung
gerichtet? Warum hat er nicht die 40-Stunden-Woche mit uns erkämpft?
Hat er dafür gesorgt, dass unsere Löhne der schleichenden Inflation
angepasst werden? Warum sind nicht ständige Tarifverhandlungen über
Lohnerhöhungen geführt worden?
Wo stehen die Funktionäre des FDGB, wenn in unserem Betrieb neue Normen eingeführt werden?
Auf unserer Seite? Verhindern sie die Normen, bevor nicht klar ist, dass wir auch entsprechend bezahlt werden?

Aus dem Aufruf zur Gründung unabhängiger Gewerkschaften

Hier nehmen die Verfasserinnen und Verfasser die Position der Arbeiteropposition
in der frühen Sowjetunion ein, die auch für unabhängige
Interessenvertretung der Lohnabhängigen beim Aufbau des Sozialismus
kämpften und davor warnten, dass Gewerkschaften zum Traditionsriemen
einer sich sozialistisch nennenden Staatspartei würden.

Doch im zweiten Teil des kurzen Aufrufs wird betont, wie nötig unabhängige Interessenvertretungen in der Zukunft sein werden.

Die nächsten Jahre werden für uns kein Zuckerschlecken. Die
Daumenschrauben sollen angezogen werden. Die Preise werden steigen, die
Löhne kaum. Wenn Subventionen wegfallen, trifft vor allem uns. Der Staat
fordert Leistung, bald wird er mit Entlassung drohen. Wir sollen die
Karre aus dem Dreck ziehen!
Wenn der Lebensstandard für die meisten von uns nicht erheblich sinken soll, brauchen wir eigene Interessenvertretungen.

Aus dem Aufruf zur Gründung unabhängiger Gewerkschaften

Wahrscheinlich war den Verfassern des Aufrufs nicht klar, wie schnell
sich ihre Warnungen bewahrheiten würden. Bereits wenige Monate nach dem
4. November 1989 nahm die Treuhand ihre Arbeit auf und sorgte für die
Deindustralisierung der DDR, die längst zum Beitrittsgebiet geworden
war.

Vieles wurde unrentabel im neuen Kapitalismus, und wo das nicht der Fall war, wie bei den Kaliwerken in Thüringen,
sorgte das BRD-Kapital dafür, dass die lästige Konkurrenz verschwand.
Die DDR wurde auch vom westdeutschen Kapital bald zum Labor für
"ent-garantierte" Beschäftigungsverhältnisse ausersehen. Das war nur
möglich, weil eben die eigenen Interessenvertretungen, die im Aufruf
gefordert wurden, nicht entstanden sind.

Das zeigt aber auch, welch zentralen Punkt die Verfasser hier
angesprochen haben. Hier ging es nicht um utopische Freiheitslyrik,
sondern um sehr konkrete materielle Verhältnisse. Trotzdem bekam der
Aufruf zur Gründung unabhängiger Gewerkschaften nicht die
Aufmerksamkeit, die er verdient hätte. Es gab neben Applaus auch viel
Unmut über die Verlesung des Textes. Es stellt sich die Frage, warum die
Initiative für Unabhängige Gewerkschaften, die sich ja für die Selbstorganisierung und gegen Stellvertreterpolitik aussprach, die Rede nicht selbst vortrug.

Setzen sie auf den Promifaktor von Müller? Doch, wenn auch schon 1990
klar wurde, dass die Einschätzung der Verfasser des Aufrufs völlig
zutraf, sowohl was die Diskreditierung des FDGB betraf, als auch was die
Zukunft der Lohnarbeit anbelangt, gelang es nicht, massenhaft
unabhängige Gewerkschaften zu gründen.

Wenn nun 30 Jahre später, jüngere reformorientierte Menschen des Aufbruch Ost die Gewerkschaftsarbeit wiederentdeckt haben, bestätigt das nur den Inhalt des Aufrufs vor 30 Jahren.

Wenn die Dummheit der Kommunisten die Leute zu Antikommunisten gemacht hat: dann war sie deren furchtbarster Fehler"

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Vier Monate später, Anfang März, 1990 hielt der Schriftsteller
Ronald M. Schernikau auf dem letzten Kongress des
DDR-Schriftstellerkongresses eine Rede,
die viel zitiert, aber selten begriffen wurde. Denn Schernikau, der als
Kommunist und BRD-Bürger erst kurze Zeit vorher die Staatsbürgerschaft
der DDR annahm, hielt in einer Zeit, als sich auch im
Schriftstellerverband alle auf den neuen kapitalistischen Takt
vorbereiten, eine Rede zum Lob des Kommunismus. Dass damit nicht die
SED-Bürokratie gemeint war, wurde ziemlich am Anfang der Ansprache
deutlich.

Die Dummheit der Kommunisten halte ich für kein Argument gegen
den Kommunismus. Honeckers Versuch, ein guter König zu sein, so klein
und mickrig er auch ausfiel, er war der Versuch zu Konsens.

Aus der Rede von Ronald M. Schernikau

Schernikau sprach aus der Position des westdeutschen Kommunisten, der
die SED nicht als Machtpartei und Unterdrückungsapparat kennengelernt
hat. Daher scheint seine Rede in manchen Passagen konträr zum Aufruf der
linken DDR-Oppositionellen für unabhängige Gewerkschaften zu stehen.

Die DDR hat sich wehrlos gemacht, systematisch, mit offenen
Augen. Endlich können wir auch die Erfahrungen der Linken im Westen
verwerten!, das heißt: Wir werden sie bitter nötig haben. Wer die
Gewerkschaft fordert, wird den Unternehmerverband kriegen. Wer den
Videorekorder will, wird die Videofilme kriegen. Wer die Buntheit des
Westens will, wird die Verzweiflung des Westens kriegen. Wer Bananen
essen will, muss Neger verhungern lassen. Wer die Spaltung Europas
überwinden will, muss den Westen siegen lassen.

Ronald M. Schernikau

Hier hat der Text Schwächen, auch deshalb, weil sich bald zeigte,
dass die DDR-Bevölkerung den Unternehmerverband bekam, aber keine
starken unabhängigen Gewerkschaften. Doch Schernikau sagte auch:

Meine Damen und Herren, Sie wissen noch nichts von dem Maß an
Unterwerfung, die der Westen jedem einzelnen seiner Bewohner abverlangt.
Was Sie vorerst begriffen haben: Der Westen ist stark..

Ronald M. Schernikau

Im Rückblick von 30 Jahren zeigt sich, das Schernikaus Text viel mehr
Realitätssinn davon hat, was der Sieg des Kapitalismus bedeutet, als
viele vor Freiheitslyrik triefenden Texte jener Jahre. Deshalb kann man
heute sagen, Schernikaus Rede und der Aufruf zur Gründung unabhängiger
Gewerkschaften waren vor 30 Jahre eine Flaschenpost, die erst später
verstanden werden wird. Sind wir heute soweit?

Am 4. November spielte das Theaterkollektiv Panzerkreuzer Rotkäppchen die größte Demonstration am 4. November 1989 am historischen Ort nach
Dort wurden beide Texte vorgestellt. Dabei stellte sich heraus, dass
die zwei Reden, die vor knapp 30 Jahren an unterschiedlichen Orten
gehalten worden sind und vor den Folgen einer schnellen kapitalistischen
Wiedervereinigung warnten, vielmehr Gemeinsamkeiten haben, als die
Protagonisten damals ahnten.

Dreißig Jahre AfD

Kürzlich haben linke Ostoppositionelle unter dem Titel 30 Jahre AfD eine Doppelnummer des telegraph herausgebracht. Es ist die linke DDR-Zeitung, der der Soziologe Bernd Drücke in seinem Buch "Zwischen Schreibtisch und Straßenschlacht"
über die Geschichte der libertären Presse in Ost und West bescheinigt,
wesentlich zu den Veränderungen im Herbst 1989 beigetragen zu haben.

Der Titel des aktuellen telegraph zielt auf die 1989 von den
Unionsparteien mit anderen Rechtsparteien initiierte Allianz für
Deutschland, die im Herbst 1989 die Stimmung für die Wiedervereinigung
mit Erfolg anheizte. Im Vorwort der aktuellen telegraph-Ausgabe heißt
es:

Wir fragen in dieser Ausgabe ebenso nach den politischen
Einflussfaktoren der Entmachtung eines "dritten Wegs" im
nachrevolutionären Prozess von 1990, der Marginalisierung einer
Alternative jenseits stalinistischer oder politbürokratischer
Zwangsvergesellschaftung und knechtender kapitalistischer
Gesellschaftsformierung.

Aus dem Vorwort zum telegraph 135/136

Auf Online kann man kurze Interviews mit Exponenten der linken DDR-Opposition hören. Dort sprechen sie über ihre Hoffnungen vor 30 Jahren und was daraus geworden ist.

taken from here

Der Beitrag “Das Maß an Unterwerfung, die der Westen jedem Bewohner abverlangt” erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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The miraculous Credit Creation of Private Banks https://non.copyriot.com/the-miraculous-credit-creation-of-private-banks-2/ Tue, 12 Nov 2019 09:55:05 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12025

As early as 400 years ago, English goldsmiths began to create paper money by administering their customers' gold coins and issuing a kind of certificate on them (indicating the amount of gold they had stored) and then lending it as quasi-money, without any further savings being made. Since it rarely made sense for the owners to claim their gold coins directly, the goldsmiths, who are to be understood as precursors of the private banks, were able to issue more documents to certain recipients than they themselves held gold coins in stock. Profit-oriented private banks subsequently tried to constantly increase the relationship between the amount of paper money and the amount of gold coins - but this did not yet quite hit the decisive mode of banking activities: For some time now, commercial banks have been creating so-called "girl money" with their loans, which is digitally recorded on bank accounts. The commercial banks do not lend the money that customers previously deposited with them, but they produce the money themselves by granting loans to customers.1 The economist Mathias Binswanger even claims that the invention of the "creation of money out of nothing" preceded the industrial revolution. Our answer to this is, first of all, that although the banks create money in the form of bank drafts or draw on credit, they do not do so out of nothing, as Joseph Schumpeter also assumed, but rather in terms of, or access to, future capital growth. In this respect, one could speak of an invention under structural constraint that capital sets.

The creation of credit is by no means to be understood as a one-sided act in which, for example, a demiurge draws money "out of nothing", but credit requires specific interaction between the private bank as lender and the customer as borrower. Commercial banks can only "draw" on credit if they find suitable borrowers for the issue, the number of which depends on the current economic situation of an economy, whereby the banks assess the borrower's creditworthiness and creditworthiness (whether the borrowers are capable of repaying and paying interest), demand security and in part also check what the customers are using the credit for. The debtors therefore have to provide collateral when taking out a loan, such as a mortgage loan, in which a property is seized (in relation to a certain loan amount) and only becomes the property of the debtor after the loan amount, including interest payments, has been paid in full by the debtor. The basis of the creation of credit here is then a service already rendered before, the built real estate, which the bank values with a price. If, however, the borrowers use financial assets as collateral, the question of their valuation and complexity arises immediately. Thus a bond can secure a loan between creditor 1 and debtor 2 and it can then be transferred from creditor 1 to creditor 3 and from creditor 1 to creditor 4. (Sahr 2017: Kindle-Edition: 5531) Obviously there are long securitisation chains and machinery here, which all in all enormously increase the financing potential of the financial institutions. For 2007, IMF economists noted that $10 trillion in payment promises were due to this type of securitisation chain. If, for example, the security is a government bond that implies that the amount of 1000 euros and 10 euros in interest will have to be paid in one year, and this is transferred by means of a repurchase agreement for one month at a lower amount and at lower interest to a new investor, who in turn sells the bond for 14 days at an even lower price to a third party, who in turn transfers it even cheaper to a fourth party for one week - then it becomes immediately clear here that the security tends to lose its function. If the payment promise fails, the government bond can no longer be used in its place because it has simply diluted itself. And every link in the chain now represents a new danger for the failure of the entire chain, whereby the risks are not minimised as intended, but are actually multiplied, i.e. complexity risks are set in motion first and foremost.

There is a widespread misconception that commercial banks are pure financial intermediaries who borrow money from customers at a certain rate of interest and then lend exactly the same amount of money themselves at higher interest rates, or function like a logistics company that moves money capital to different places. Rather, however, the private

private banks are to be understood as generators of future payment promises, with which they first and foremost open up potentials for all possible economic processes. What the private banks spend as credit is not based on certain liabilities (deposits of customers and savers), on the basis of which they then grant credits, and this means that the commercial banks are not pure money brokers who merely exploit for themselves the power of a credit based on the savings of customers. They could then grant all the more loans the more they saved in an economy and the more the savings of the economic actors ended up in their bank accounts. All private banks would then be unable to lend more in a single country than their customers would be willing to make available to them. The economist Mathias Binswanger writes: "The banks would then be comparable to a blood bank in a hospital. The bank would then have to inform its customers from time to time, just like a blood bank: "Unfortunately, we don't have any savings at the moment, but you can put yourself on a waiting list and we'll let you know when we have your savings back."2 (Binswanger 2015: Kindle-Edition: 330) Thanks to the credit creation of private banks, however, new investments, higher employment and consumer spending and additional government expenditure can be financed without having previously been saved in an economy accordingly; rather, saving itself is to be understood as an effect of credit creation and forms a demand that implies either a liability or an asset. The credit is thus not simply a result of economic activities, but conversely it creates certain economic activities, it acts as a catalyst for investment and innovation, for employment and income. If, however, the private banks issue too much credit in relation to the supply of goods and services of an economy, then this can actually lead to inflationary developments, while the restriction of the credit volume leads to deflationary processes. Deflation increases the cost and value of debt, thereby benefiting asset holders, lenders and financial institutions in particular. In an over-indebted economy, the reduction of credit leads to a decrease in the supply of money, thus increasing the real value of money and its importance, while liabilities and debts can no longer be realized as money.

In order to grant loans, commercial banks do not need the savings of their customers; rather, their "productivity" consists in the management of future-oriented payment promises or the creation of loans, with which they finance and initiate profit-oriented investments and production processes of companies according to their own calculations, risk assessments and speculations. This does not merely mean a redistribution of funds, but that the commercial banks themselves operate as an essential growth-generating factor in the accumulation of capital in an economy and can thus stimulate and promote growth at the level of "real capital". If, on the other hand, additional investments had to be financed by more savings, this would not allow economic growth, since higher savings would lead to a corresponding decline in demand and investment and would therefore have a counterproductive effect on growth. Savings and consumption are inversely related and consumption is in turn proportional to the income generated by production. Finally, it is financed production that ensures that savings coincide with investment.3 This is Keynes' response to Say's law. The financing of investments purely through savings would be a zero-sum game that would only lead to the redistribution of financial resources. In order to generate economic growth, on the other hand, the investments must be higher than the savings, whereby additional investments can be pushed by the lending of private banks. Keynes clearly sees that the savings do not precede the investments, but that conversely higher investments lead to higher savings, provided that the private banks grant additional loans at balanced, i.e. at relatively low interest rates, thereby also creating new demand, through which the investment grows faster than the savings and the consumption faster than the income.4

Let us take a closer look at the process of credit creation. Whenever a commercial bank decides that a customer is creditworthy (he must hold securities and preferably have the potential for future capital realisation), he is given credit and a certain amount of money is credited to his account. These deposits, insofar as they arise from the granting of the loan itself, are called giral or book money, which is written to an account as a number at the touch of a button (which is why we also speak of keystroke capitalism) and with which today mostly only electronic payments are processed.5 Thus, digital money marks are lent, which represent the girl money and are written as a number on current accounts and on the part of the borrowers are always also a claim to (state) cash, provided that they make the contractually fixed promise to repay the loan in a certain period of time plus a certain interest rate (the price of the loan). When the commercial bank grants a loan, it has to deliver the money, which is a liability for it, directly to the customer and at the same time it owns an asset, in so far as it collects interest over a certain period of time, while the customer also owns an asset/credit on his bank account, but also enters into the obligation to repay the loan plus interest. These balance sheet relationships are essential for the relationship between creditors and debtors. The credit balances on the debtors' accounts can be described as "fictitious deposits" because they do not depend on the current cash holdings of a private bank. It is wrong for the French economist Francois Chesnais to describe girl money as fictitious capital. (Chesnais 2016: 84) Fictitious capital is more likely to be called a security traded on the financial markets at a price that is a function of interest rates and the expectations of the buyer of the security. This is not true in the case of bank loans, which remain in the balance sheets of private banks. Only when bank money/loans are used for payments by holders of tradable securities do they transform into fictitious capital.6

By granting credit, the commercial bank has on the asset side of its balance sheet a credit claim against the customer, who on the liability side is opposed to the customer's deposit as a liability of the bank, which, and this is the crucial point, is not offset by a payment from the bank, but rather arises simply by the granting of credit by the bank, which expands its assets (repayment promise of the debtor) and obligations (towards the debtor) on both sides of the balance sheet. No other account of the bank or an external account will be reduced by the amount of the loan granted, but the bank can always pay its loans with its own promises of payment. Throughout the term of the loan, the Bank's promise to pay out the amount of the loan remains a promise, and only if the customer withdraws part of the amount in cash does the Bank have to reduce its cash reserves. (Cf. Seiffert 2014: 89f.) The bank books a loan on the assets side of its balance sheet and a numerically identical credit entry on the liabilities side or the current account of the borrower. While on the liabilities side of the bank balance sheet the liability appears as a deposit from the granting of credit, on the assets side the balance sheet total has increased by an amount that roughly corresponds to the loan (minus reserves). In technical jargon, this is called "balance sheet extension". (Cf. Schreyer 2016: 33f.) The liability simply appears in the bank's balance sheet as "customer deposits". The question of whether this amount is deducted from another account when it is booked, which leads to a reduction in other balance sheet items - either the reserves (partial reserve theory) or other funds (bank as financial intermediary) - can therefore be answered in the negative.

For the client of the commercial bank, the situation is as follows: Although he now has the credited sum of money at his free disposal, i.e. he can, at least as an entrepreneur, use the utility value of the money to earn extra money, at the same time there are corresponding debts to the bank. Thus both the bank (lender) and the customer (borrower) act in the role of the creditor and the debtor. While the customer receives a new credit balance and at the same time promises to settle the debt (creditor and debtor of the bank), the private banks also function as debtors (they owe the customer the payments) and as creditors, the latter because they create their own promise of payment qua girl money and thus also collect interest. In and with the credit files, the commercial banks and the customers mutually attest their creditworthiness. (Sahr 2017: Kindle Edition: 3729). We have long since arrived at interlinking structures in which the permanent creation, linking and scheduling of payment promises or promise relationships is at stake.

The creation of bank money means that the limits of lending initially lie entirely in the risk management of commercial banks. This is also confirmed by empirical analyses. The economist Richard A. Werner has investigated whether a commercial bank, when it makes money available to a borrower, transfers funds from other accounts (inside or outside the bank) to the borrower. (Werner 2017) He comes to the conclusion that the commercial bank did not transfer the money made available to the borrower from other internal or external accounts, so that both the partial reserve theory and the financial intermediary theory must be rejected. Instead, the bank has recreated the girl money by simply posting it as a deposit to the borrower's account, even though such a deposit did not take place at all on the part of the client or other clients. The loan amount is only accounted for or written to twice, namely as a repayment promise by the debtor and as the commercial bank's debt to the customer.7 New loans can then re-enter the process of credit creation as collateral and thus create further new loans.8 The purchase of securities (which the bank writes to itself as assets) is also to be subsumed under the heading of girl money creation or as a penniless purchase if the securities are bought with girl money, which did not previously exist.

When the Customer repays the loan, the amount of money is reduced by the corresponding amounts instalment by instalment, whereby the money paid in by the Customer is deducted from the bank balance without any other account being increased by this amount at the same time. The Customer's liability is therefore reduced by the same amount as the Bank's claim. During the term of the loan, there are usually only a few or no cash payments to the customers, so that the granting of the loan remains a promise of payment by the bank until the end of the loan agreement, which is dissolved again instalment by instalment with the repayment of the loan. There is already a limitation of the credit creation here, namely in the (albeit small) cash reserves which the commercial bank must hold in order to meet the cash withdrawals. If, however, the commercial bank is in a crisis of confidence, many customers could demand large sums of cash at the same time, which the commercial bank is not in a position to pay because it does not have the cash directly in stock - however, it is not yet insolvent, but only illiquid, if it still has assets (and receivables) which it can sell or get paid with a short delay. Commercial banks can also use the central bank to borrow cash by depositing securities accepted as collateral by the central bank. However, a large proportion of commercial banks' assets are claims that are not readily accepted as collateral by the central bank because relatively illiquid assets such as real estate, bonds, loans, etc. cannot be liquidated quickly enough as money. Moreover, in crisis situations, the mass sale of securities and real estate by commercial banks would cause prices on the financial markets to collapse.

The commercial banks realise profits during the term of the granted loans, which are called "seigniorage" and which result from the difference between the "value" of the money drawn and the production costs. The profits of the commercial banks (only the central banks are mentioned here in the textbooks) are thus generated by granting credits and crediting the borrowers to their accounts, for which interest is charged. The creation of credit itself does not generate profits, but exactly when a bank makes interest claims. The bank only has to check the creditworthiness of the borrower, i.e. the probability that the borrower will repay and pay interest. The production costs are deducted from the gross seigniorage (interest), in particular the administrative and infrastructural costs associated with the circulation of the money (buildings, software, IT infrastructure and wages, at the ECB additionally the printing costs for paper money). (Häring 2016: 138)9

Let us show the creation of credit using an example that includes the interbank market from the outset. If the commercial bank 1 grants a customer A a loan, which is credited to his account, and this customer initiates a cashless payment to the account of customer B of commercial bank 2, then bank 1 records an outgoing payment and bank 2 a incoming payment. The commercial banks settle these two payment flows on special interbank loan accounts on a daily basis, whereby the differences on these accounts are settled in the medium term. If, however, the practice of granting loans between banks differs greatly, for example, one bank has more receivables from customers than another bank, then there will be unequal payment flows between the banks, which will influence their interbank loan accounts and thus also their respective profits. It is now no longer the bank internal entry Receivables/payables from customers, but the entries Receivables/payables between at least two banks, which are then essential for the changes in the cash flows. (Seiffert 2014: 46f.) It must be added that the commercial banks only accept each other's cashless payments because they are covered by central bank deposits, which in turn are as good as cash.

In the case of a cash outflow from commercial bank 1 to commercial bank 2, the former has debts to the latter, while for commercial bank 2 the amount of money represents a credit balance. At the same time, however, payments are also received into the accounts of commercial bank 1, so that there is a tendency to balance the debts and credit balances of the commercial banks involved in payment transactions - at the overall level exactly when all commercial banks provide loans of the same amount and all borrowers make transfers of the same amount to the respective commercial banks. However, taking into account the fact that the balances of the accounts in the daily business of the banks fluctuate constantly, the differences will tend to balance each other out over longer periods of time. The commercial banks also negotiate permissible differences (credit lines) in the balances with each other and this is also documented on the interbank credit accounts. In addition, the banks grant each other interbank loans with short-term and low interest rates.10 In the event of persistent payment differences, the commercial banks are obliged to settle the different amounts of money. This, however, brings into play a new type of account, namely the central bank account, where each commercial bank is legally obliged to hold such an account with the central bank of the respective country and on which credits (central bank money/money supply M0) of the commercial banks must be available in a certain amount. The commercial banks receive these credits from the central bank through the submission of securities and through loans.

When the loan is repaid, a writing process takes place which reduces the deposit money. For this purpose, the borrower makes corresponding sums of money available on his account, which are then deducted by the bank. Of course, this also leads to payment flows between the various commercial banks. If the banks involved make loan repayments of the same amount, whereby the same sums of money were transferred between the banks in advance, then credits and debts on the interbank loan accounts neutralise each other. The larger the proportion of internal transfers at a bank, the more independent that bank is from other commercial banks.11

If the commercial bank 1 grants more loans than the commercial bank 2, then the first problems already arise here. If the borrowers of commercial bank 1 pay bills with the loan, which result in transfers to commercial bank 2, then there will be an imbalance on the interbank credit accounts of the participating commercial banks and commercial bank 1 may have to settle this difference with central bank money, which lowers the account balance on their central bank account. Commercial banks are obliged to hold certain sums of money on the central bank accounts (although these are subordinated to their own credit creation) and this forces them to deposit collateral (securities, precious metals, assets) and pay interest to the central bank on borrowings, which are, however, rather low. Therefore, if a commercial bank draws excessive bank drafts by lending and at the same time has a constantly higher outflow of bank drafts than its bank drafts, it is forced to borrow regularly (to be secured) from the central bank, with the money flowing into the central bank accounts of other banks. Although the commercial bank could now raise its lending rates, which led to a decline in the volume of its lending business, it could still generate higher interest income. However, competition between banks will not allow this in the long run. Or the bank increases the number of its customers, so that it can once again maintain a level playing field. And the more customers a bank has, the more likely it is that the money will circulate internally in the bank, so that no transactions are required on interbank loan accounts or central bank accounts.

So there is already a first answer to the question: Why do banks still bother to attract customers when they seem to be able to draw money out of nothing? Banks are initially interested in as many customers as possible to whom large sums of money are transferred by the customers of other banks, because this provides them with reserves for which they would otherwise have to pay interest. In the case of transfers between commercial banks that take place on the interbank market, they are dependent on reserves at the central banks.12 The accounts of the commercial banks that hold them at the central banks serve as a clearing system between the commercial banks, i.e. the money flows that flow between the commercial banks are settled there. However, only the difference between the mutual transfers has to be settled on one day via reserves. A loss of client funds leads to a new need for reserves, which the bank cannot obtain in vain, as it has to provide services for the reserves either by lending securities to the central bank or by borrowing money from other banks. The outflow of customer funds and the absence of customer accounts therefore have a negative impact on banks' profitability. But since the interest rates of the central bank are now at zero and the commercial banks are virtually swimming in reserves, the interest of private banks in customer deposits has declined sharply. Again, there is a difference between equity and reserves that is expressed in the fact that lack of reserves leads to a liquidity bottleneck at the banks, which today the central bank usually resolves immediately, while the destruction of equity leads to their bankruptcy.

The money they have created themselves circulates between the commercial banks. If a bank makes a positive difference between the payments made by its customers, then the difference between incoming and outgoing payments at another bank must be negative. Mutually offsetting sums can also lead to profits at both banks involved (withdrawals). Seiffert subsumes these processes under the term "structurally conditioned cooperative money creation". (Seiffert 2014: 46ff.) In contrast, we are not talking here about cooperative creation of bank money, but about competition-induced creation of credit, which constantly fuels the compulsion of private banks to innovate new financial instruments within the framework of the complex internationally interwoven network chains. Since every commercial bank has a large number of incoming and outgoing payments every day, payments between banks tend to balance each other out over a longer period of time. This is part of the competition between the banks. It can be assumed that the banks operate to a certain extent in the same mode, for example by using large sums of money to buy securities and derivatives, which in turn can increase their lending and withdrawals. And this in turn leads to new imbalances in banks' payment flows. The competition, which is recorded on interbank credit accounts, among other things, sets in motion balancing movements, which in turn are counteracted by new imbalances. These movements function differently than the compensatory movements to produce average profit rates involving industrial and commercial companies, industries and sectors. And the profit mechanism here is also different from that of industrial and commercial enterprises. If commercial banks can generate returns through credit creation, among other things, they are not dependent on "conventional profits" resulting from the management of the difference between sales and costs. The ultimate goal for a private bank is to skim off as high a share as possible of all possible profits of all commercial banks within a certain period of time, which result, among other things, from the granting of loans, within the framework of the mechanisms described above. However, a commercial bank must not push too far forward in its pursuit of extra profits, otherwise it itself will be in danger. The competition from commercial banks, which is evident on the money and capital markets, always has a disciplining effect; it is quasi-transcendental. And it is not only the large traditional financial institutions that participate in these processes, but also the banks of multinational automobile groups and the banks of other conglomerates.

It should be noted, however, that there are also cooperative aspects in the relations between the banks, for example when they grant each other loans and thus accept each other both as debtors and as creditors of similar sums (recursive loans) in order to facilitate further mutual payment flows. (Sahr 2017: Kindle-Edition: 6215) Today, these reciprocally granted loans can even be deposited with the central bank as a pledge.

To put the problem another way: If a bank 1 transfers this amount after a credited borrowing of 100,000 euros to the account of customer A to the account of customer B at bank 2, then this can grant a new credit, since it possesses a credit balance of 100,000 euros, which is covered with central bank money. What Bank 1 loses here in credit creation potential, Bank 2 gains in addition. The suspicion that the banks are only concerned with holding the highest possible deposits is emerging at this point. Savings banks would then indeed have relative advantages over large banks such as Commerzbank and Deutsche Bank. First of all, however, there are the already mentioned balancing movements between the banks again and again: if a bank permanently grants too high loans and thus more girl money flows out to it than it receives, then it must increasingly act as a borrower on the money market. This can lead to other banks critically assessing or even losing confidence in their solvency and then discontinuing lending to the bank. In this context, the concept of total financial capital and the corresponding competitive mechanisms remain decisive. 13 Secondly, because of the high degree of their national and international networking, the major banks simply have the much more solvent credit customers.

What are the limits to the creation of bank money (and the realisation of profits) for the banks? The first limitation is that the banks do not collect the profits arising from the creation of credit directly when the loan is issued/addressed, but only over the term of the loan, when the borrowers regularly pay interest and repay the loans. If a borrower can no longer pay, the lending bank suffers losses (loss of central bank money and the equivalent value of the loan), bearing in mind that the borrower has at least brought money into circulation for a certain period of time. In relation to the total capital of the banks, losses mean that the liabilities of the banks exceed their credit claims.14

At this point, a further distinction is made between the limits created by the mechanisms of credit creation itself, influenced by the competition of enterprises, and those created by the documentation of the cash flows created by credit creation in the balance sheets of banks. (Seiffert 2014: 51ff.) The limitations of the first mode include the following: 1) The number of borrowers corresponding to the economic cycles of the economy and the monetary potential of their demand for scriptural money as well as the volume of available securities and fixed assets on the financial markets. Private banks, even if they have enormous influence on industrial investment, other economic activities and employment through the mechanisms of influencing interest rates, lending and changes in the money supply, remain dependent on the economic power of borrowers, which consists in being able to pay off debts and deposit securities, which is always a question of the economic development of a country and the world economy as a whole. And if private banks pay too little attention to regulating their liabilities in their balance sheets, then dangerous situations up to and including insolvency cannot be ruled out. 2) Excessive differences in payment flows between commercial banks lead to further limitations. If a commercial bank grants too many or too high loans in comparison to other commercial banks and/or buys tangible assets and securities in too high sums, then it must reckon with debts on the interbank credit accounts, as there are now stronger outflows of payments compared to incoming payments. It should also be borne in mind that the size of a commercial bank and the corresponding degree of its national and international networking have a significant impact on credit creation.

With regard to the accounting and regulatory requirements that commercial banks must comply with, the following limits must be assumed (ibid. 94ff.): 1) There are minimum reserve requirements. The legal minimum reserve is the amount that the commercial banks must hold in their accounts at the Federal Reserve. The ECB has set the minimum reserve for the euro area at 1%, based on the amount of customer deposits with a maturity of up to two years and debt securities issued by a bank with a maturity of up to two years. (ibid.) The bank³s technical minimum reserves, which are related to cash, are determined by the bank itself. However, today the minimum reserve requirements are largely covered by the cash holdings that the banks would hold anyway. It should also be noted that the reserve balances do not have to be verified before the credit is created, but only afterwards, with private banks being able to obtain the reserves either on the interbank market or today without any problems from the central bank. Central banks can no longer afford to withhold reserve expenditure from commercial banks in order to ensure the smooth creation of credit and avoid bankruptcies, as they are forced to sell their assets quickly in the event of a shortage or imminent illiquidity, which in turn has a negative impact on the market prices of securities and derivatives and thus on the balance sheets of other companies (not just financial institutions). Central banks' minimum reserve policy must therefore be based on the business practices of private banks and is ultimately dependent on them. Thus, the reserves that commercial banks have to hold are no longer a limit to their lending, and the money multiplier (the percentage that banks have to hold as deposits to grant loans) no longer plays a significant role. Today, reserves are primarily a resource for private banks to keep the clearing processes running (the balancing of assets and liabilities at the end of a day on the interbank market).

2) Certain capital requirements that are now determined by the Basel 3 agreements. According to these, the banks must assess the funds on the assets side of the balance sheet against the risk of default, and depending on the amount, the positions on the assets side must be matched by a certain equity component. (ibid.) This is intended to cushion the losses that may arise from banks' lending business so that they are at least in a position to continue servicing their obligations. Today, commercial banks have to underpin credit, market and operational risks, whereby for the former the assets from securities, lending and tangible assets are multiplied by a risk weight of 0.20 (the other risks are extrapolated according to the ratios of the former). The resulting sum is again multiplied by 8%. (ibid.) However, the commercial banks today succeed again and again in inventing new forms of derivatives and loans, the risks of which are not yet represented in the Basel 3 regulations.

A bank's equity ratio is calculated as follows: The ratio between equity (core capital or share capital, i.e. subscribed capital plus retained earnings and reserves, supplementary capital and Tier 3 capital) and risk-weighted assets is first determined. (ibid.) There is a statutory equity ratio called the "core capital ratio", which fixes the proportion of equity in the Bank's total capital (balance sheet total). Since 2015, a core capital ratio of six percent has applied to German commercial banks, and it is expected to rise by one percentage point from 2019. Furthermore, it is assumed that supplementary capital will amount to two percent, so that the equity ratio will total eight percent. It is also being discussed that the banks should build up cyclical capital maintenance buffers that are dependent on economic developments and can be reduced during the recession. Here, too, it should be stressed that banks will continue to apply their own independent risk weighting and will be able to use either their own internal bank models or the ratings of the rating agencies when evaluating risks. In order to prevent such practices, it would be necessary to introduce a restriction on leverage or a maximum indebtedness ratio, in which the assets would then be introduced unweighted.

It must also be borne in mind that, in addition to real estate, IT infrastructure, software, etc., the banks' equity capital consists primarily of financial assets, i.e. promises of payment, and it must therefore be understood from the outset as an endogenous product of the banking sector, which today is not regulated by legal regulations alone and can be increased, for example, by issuing shares and retaining profits.

In principle, the private banks thus create their own assets or equity holdings. In addition, they can obtain loans on the OCT markets at any time to expand their financial leeway, where the contracts are concluded as promises of payment between two legal entities and are largely exempt from the regulatory requirements of state authorities. The securitisations discussed elsewhere here also belong to this type of financing. Finally, it is important for private banks not only to consider the scarcity of equity as a factor in the elasticity of their credit policy, but also to calculate the creditworthiness of those debtors who are in a position to pay certain amounts of money over a certain period of time, who realise profits for the banks and thus justify the risk taken by granting the loan. 3) Certain liquidity requirements, always bearing in mind that the probability of repayment of a loan must be calculated. 15

A further question follows on from this problem: Why are central banks still needed in the current financial system dominated by private banks and other financial institutions? First of all, commercial banks need reserves, as customers are constantly demanding cash (the demand for cash increases with the amount of money in the bank drawer); commercial banks need the central bank, which has the legal monopoly created by the state to produce it, to obtain cash. Secondly, commercial banks must hold minimum reserves, at least in certain countries. (However, the ECB has significantly reduced reserve ratios as part of its "quantitative easing" policy). The more money the private banks create, the more reserves they will have to call up at the central bank. Thirdly, the reserves are needed above all in interbank transactions, which are settled via the central banks' clearing system. Although individual banks can also lend reserves to each other, the entire commercial banking system can only expand its reserves if they are made available by the central banks.16 Fourthly, the central banks are responsible for stabilising the value of a currency, which is always linked to the capacity of the state to tax its citizens sufficiently.

1 Joseph Schumpeter writes: "Something similar to certifying future products or giving the entrepreneur the power to pay for his promises is now real. This is the service which the banker provides to the entrepreneur and around which the entrepreneur turns to the banker … so he would not be a middleman, but a producer of credit, i.e. he would create the purchasing power which he lends to the entrepreneur himself … One could say without great sin that the banker creates money" (Schumpeter1950:197).

2 If the commercial banks were actually only lending money that they had previously received from savers, that money would have to appear on the assets side of the balance sheets. The larger part of the money, however, can be found on the liabilities side of the balance sheets, and here in particular in the credit balances of bank customers. All the money in an economy is on the liabilities side of the bank's balance sheet, i.e. it represents debt.

3 Savings depend on investments, which in turn depend on the rate of profit. The accumulation rate (growth rate of capital) is related to the expected net profit rate (expected profit rate minus interest) and the savings rate is related to the relative financial gap between investment and savings. In the short term, the interest rate will increase if the gap is positive, but in the long term, the financing needs of companies will always be related to the average profit rates and the corresponding price levels.

4 Loans are used to finance investments and these flow back into the accounts of bank customers who do not necessarily spend them in the same year, among other things as income. This is then defined by the national accounts as saving. No causality can be derived from the ex post observations of the statistics, as is the case with GDP or national accounts, since the type of financing is not taken into account here. In addition, it must be taken into account that the financing of investments must lead to growth in wages and consumption, otherwise the new products cannot be sold at all. There must be an increase in the total output of an economy

5 Horst Seiffert calls this a "money-creating writing process". (Seiffert 2014: 31) When the amount is credited to the account (demand deposit), the money supply increases, which today consists to a large extent of deposits on bank accounts.

6 Unless the borrower withdraws the amount in cash, the granting of credit shall be deemed to be cashless payment transactions. This includes the reciprocal settlement of payments running on bank accounts by means of internal transfers within a commercial bank or payment transactions between the commercial banks (interbank market) qua bank money. If borrowers use their accounts directly as a means of payment without withdrawing cash, this process eludes the central bank.

7 On the other hand, a bank cannot pass on the deposit of customer Y as a loan to customer X, since the bank deposits represent a liability only for the bank (which is booked on the liabilities side of the bank balance sheet and is not an asset position that can be lent).

8 In the case of bank lending, girl money is created by an entry that corresponds to a balance sheet extension. The credit amount is entered both on the assets and liabilities side of the bank's business account. In the balance sheet, liabilities represent the origin of a sum of money, while assets represent its use. On the liabilities side there are the liabilities of the bank (bonds issued, account balances, equity), on the assets side there are, among other things, loans granted. The bank needs equity capital to secure the loans to a certain extent. The origin of the assets (debt capital) is the bank's debt, including its equity capital, which is defined as the "debt" that it incurs itself and does not have to repay (liability side). Interest is not created when loans are granted, but rather the corresponding sums are withdrawn from players who are in competition with each other. Interest only appears on the balance sheet when repayment and interest payments are due for the borrower. There is never enough money available to pay all interest in an economy.

The bank balance sheets refer to a synchronization effect, whereby the creditors on the liabilities side are to be given the impression that the debtors on the assets side will generate sufficient payment flows to serve the creditors. (Sahr 2017: Kindle-Edition; 5608) The balance sheets show that the debts of others or loans as assets balance out in dynamic and interdependent relationships with one's own debts or loans as obligations. However, new, settled or even failed relations constantly shift the balancing movements, whereby the balance sheets must actually be balanced at certain points in time by new debts, and all this happens under the condition that the agents take the place of debtors and creditors as risk carriers. The problem with bank balance sheets as short-term snapshots of corporate activities consists, among other things, in the fact that they are tied to a chain of unregistered or off-balance-sheet payment promises, that they contain self-reinforcing stochastic process protocols and, finally, that the existence of political guarantees, which protect the large banks today per se, must be taken into account. (ibid.: 5801)

9 The gross seigniorage of banks in the euro zone is currently expected to amount to around 300 billion euros per year. (Häring 2016:139) After deduction of administrative costs for employees and the IT infrastructure, the net profit will be approximately 150 billion euros.

10 The interest rates range between 0.5 and 1.5 percent, whereby they are based on key interest rates such as the Libor (London Interbank Offered Rate) or the Eurobor (Euro Interbank Offered Rate), but are ultimately freely negotiated by the commercial banks. The amounts held on the interbank loan accounts are called nostro balances; they are entered accordingly in the banks' double-entry bookkeeping. The convergence of data collection and documentation, originally limited to financial transactions on the markets, is being enriched with new indicators, for which integrated business software is needed, and since the !970s double-entry accounting has been carried out in companies with relational databases and programs.

11 Commercial banks tend to balance payments on their interbank credit accounts. With balanced balances of payments, certain withdrawals are virtually free for the banks. Since the banks are integrated into dense and complex networks, those banks in particular, which can show a corresponding size and thus also higher local, national and international interdependencies, have competitive advantages over the small and less networked banks. The banks are thus intensively intertwined with each other and are dependent on it depending on economic development ,

12 Only central banks can create reserves or central bank money by lending it to commercial banks. These, in turn, need it for their interbank transactions and for the purchase of government bonds.

13 Banks also draw money by buying assets (securities, foreign exchange, gold and land) from non-banks. For example, if a bank buys a company's bonds, it credits the company with an amount of money, just as it would when lending to the company. As long as banks buy more assets than they sell, they also create girl money. Securities are thus monetarised by the bank, i.e. money is created without anyone else losing it. Government bonds are monetarised twice over and can be sold by commercial banks to the central bank. When the government bonds are sold, the commercial banks receive reserves, which monetise the government securities for the commercial banks.

14 Since the banks only reserve small percentages of profits already realised in order to increase their equity capital, the danger of banks going bankrupt in crisis situations also increases from this point of view (on the other hand, large parts of the profits are distributed in the form of bonuses and dividends). Finally, if confidence in the bank continues to decline, there is a risk of a bank run. (Häring 2016: 160)

15 If, for any reason, the already low cash holdings of commercial banks are reduced, the credits built up on them must be reduced many times over in the form of sight deposits (at a ratio of 1 : 10 by ten times the cash outflow). This can lead to a credit crunch in the banking system. If all current account holders of a bank were to withdraw their balances in cash at the same time, it could turn out that only a fraction of their money is available at the bank. The bank in question would have to file for bankruptcy and there would then be a risk that other banks would also be emptied by customers.

16 Cash and reserves are created only by the central banks. Central bank money comprises cash plus reserves (commercial banks' accounts with the central bank) and cash in circulation. The corresponding monetary aggregate M0 is only a fraction of the monetary aggregates M1, M2 and M3. It is on the liabilities side of the central banks as it is a liability to commercial banks and non-banks. Currency no longer has to be exchanged for gold.

Money is accepted as a means of payment even if it is not covered by precious metals or real values, but by the confidence that, for example, loans will continue to be repaid in the future. Credit relationships as promises of payment only work if they are trusted by the population at large. With trust as a practice that guides and at the same time performs, insecurity, which also includes routines, is created and limited in social processes.

The future profit perspective, which a company opens up as a borrower of the bank as lender, is the starting point of mutual investment, and the realised profit of the company (which realises the interest payments to the bank, whereby these are primary) justifies the anticipations made with the debts. In short, the expected profit generates the means by which it is generated. So it does not matter whether the banknotes on the liabilities side of the balance sheet are covered by gold, commercial bills or government debt, but rather the confidence that the loans granted by the banks will be used productively or profitably, so that sustained economic growth will take place. The state can then repay its debt because it generates higher tax revenues as a result of economic growth. Companies will also be able to repay the loans easily, as they are doing profitable business. If banks grant loans that increase the production capacity of the economy, then the money is covered by the future productions made with this money.

17In many cases certain enterprises are assigned to the producing enterprises, whereas they are much more to be regarded as financial enterprises. Take the example of Apple. Apple has a market capitalization of 750bn dollars. Apple owns 27bn dollars in assets/assets, which fall purely on equity, production facilities and equipment, while the financial collateral amounts to 170bn dollars. Apple's Braeburn company, based in Nevada, is now the largest investment fund in the world. In addition, Apple has been buying back shares massively since 1998 to increase its share prices and dividends. Transactions in derivatives trading have a volume ofof 120 bn dollars (nominally related to the contracts). (Cf. Norfield)

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The capital – from the nihilistic operator to the suicidal fascist https://non.copyriot.com/the-capital-from-the-nihilistic-operator-to-the-suicidal-fascist/ Mon, 11 Nov 2019 09:02:39 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12068

Lyotard writes that capital is a pseudo-organism that is not even able to formulate a discourse that establishes its own truth, since it has no metaphysics to explain and justify its existence. The statement made by the Invisible Committee that we live in a world without justification has been true since capital became the dominant mode of production. Nowhere has there been a "That's why I'm here" since. Capital finds a tricky way out, says Lyotard, saying, "I suggest you axiomatics, which means nothing but choosing a sense. That's one of the reasons why people vote at the political level. Ultimately, this kind of semiotics only works if everyone agrees. Capital and the state then make sure of this from time to time by force as well, mostly the belief of its inmates that this is the case is enough.

The axiom is an operative statement that does not require any proof or derivation from other statements. Axiomatics is a system of axiomatic propositions. Capital operates with the permanent addition or subtraction of operative statements that concern purely functional elements and relations and remain essentially unspecified, so that the choice of an axiom with regard to economics means that important technical terms remain undefined, since the attempt to define all terms leads to an endless regression. Axiomatics, as an operative method that does not require any justification or proof, attempts to create stable systems by adding or subtracting hypotheses, norms, commands or other axioms, which can be managed with unspecified elements and relations within the framework of functionalization. Axioms do not offer any surfaces or clues for exegesis, interpretation or comment, they surround the nihilism of capital.

All this can only go well as long as the productive forces grow. But if the productive forces turn into destructive forces, then capital transforms from nihilistic operator to suicidal fascist. And this phase begins now. It remains a question of probability whether dwindling natural resources such as water, food and energy, climate change, biodiversity reduction, stratospheric ozone depletion, ocean acidification, extreme weather conditions, precarious drinking water supplies, chemical pollution and changes in soil conditions will lead to the destruction of humanity's livelihoods. The probability is high, as can be seen from the climate researchers' models, which are based on empirical studies. These models, moreover, are not based on axioms.

This corresponds to the existence of a huge surplus population on the globe, which is highly unlikely to be able to put capital into wage labour and thus into variable capital. This part of the proletariat therefore no longer needs to free itself from its chains, it is set as potential freedom. It has nothing to lose and can effortlessly smash all conditions in which man is a subjugated and humiliated being. The pre-eminence of this proletariat is the migrants, the capital and its inmates in the oases of well-being suspect this and cover the world with forced labour and extermination camps the size of whole countries. Once again, capital is backward, reinforcing its fascist potency and mitigating its suicidal tendency. But as with the fascists, suicide will prevail. Nobody knows when. Moreover, capital does nothing, it is not a subject, it is a replacing state.

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How to create with and against Nietzsche a music box for blackness that is no longer a prelude to a deeper – more powerful – perhaps more evil – and more mysterious music, but the music itself: a non-music or a music utopia. https://non.copyriot.com/how-to-create-with-and-against-nietzsche-a-music-box-for-blackness-that-is-no-longer-a-prelude-to-a-deeper-more-powerful-perhaps-more-evil-and-more-mysterious-music-but-the-music-itself-a-non/ Sun, 10 Nov 2019 10:18:15 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12070

A) Nietzsche and the music

Nietzsche's work Die Geburt der Tragödie deals in depth with music. The book explains that the tragedy originated in the dithyrambos, where lyric poetry was danced and entered into the drama in which music was given the task of tuning the soul into the tragedy through the creation of harmony. The famous distinction between Dionysus and Apollo is constitutive for Nietzsche's understanding of music. For Nietzsche, the Apollonian forms (dream images and appearances) are to be understood as symptoms of an underlying substrate, the Dionysian chaos (chaotic primordial cause). Apollo is the god of principium individuationis who defines the boundaries of the individual; he stands for the measure and the beautiful form in the Hellenic sense. Dionysus, on the other hand, is the god of intoxication and music, who destroys everything that has supposedly taken form. The Apollonian is associated with moderation and coercion, the Dionysian with excess (intoxication and superabundance; stream of life force that suddenly expresses itself). The former is concerned with the joys and beauty of appearances, the latter confronts us with terror and intoxication, with suffering and contradiction. The Apollonian celebrates the artist and the hero, while the Dionysian celebrates the dissolution of the individual in nature. The former stages the gallery of phenomena, images and illusions, the latter insists on the creation and destruction of phenomena. This is the common representation of Dionysus and Apollo.

Apollo and Dionysus are neither antipodes - they do not figure thesis and antithesis - nor can they be used for the Kantian distinction between thing itself and appearance. The relation between the two figures is certainly not dialectical either, otherwise the Dionysian would be abolished in a higher form. It is more about the relationship between being and becoming. The Dionysian is identified by the late Nietzsche with the Heraclitic becoming, and thus he says yes to war and opposition. The distinction is not a dualism, but an ontology of becoming, i.e. the process of creation and destruction in a powerful unity that precedes and transcends individuals, a unity that ultimately also explains how subjects and objects are articulated through a series of illusions, through the Apollonian. In the early work The Birth of Tragedy, Dionysus embodies the original mysterious unity. This consists of pre-individual forces and processes that drive natural becoming. Real is not identity and being, but becoming and difference, the differential forces that drive becoming.

Apollo and Dionysus, before becoming figures characterizing human artefacts such as music, are natural forces that break immanently out of nature itself, energies that directly express nature's artistic impulses without the need for the mediation of the human artist. For Nietzsche, nature itself is an artist by forming and dissolving individuals, and art imitates nature, not by representing it, but by repeating the artistic impulses of nature. With regard to the immediate artistic being of nature, each artist is to be understood only as an imitator.

The Dionysian is not without its complement, the Apollonian, to have, because the One (original unity) has only in appearance an appearance. At every moment, the interpretation of the One into multiplicity becomes one, or, to put it another way, the separation between One and multiplicity coincides in artistic appearance. The will that here stands for the One, "gives birth to appearances in every smallest moment: which, as the non-reality, is also the non-existent, the non-existent, but the becoming, "1 The One expresses in its being a permanent becoming, but Nietzsche speaks in relation to the original unity in later years of the end of the One, because it translates itself into the other, namely appearances, into the organized multiplicity and the diversity of interpretation, although it knows that it makes diversity identical, which in itself is not identical. Nietzsche writes: "All unity is only unity as an organization and as an interplay…, thus a domination structure that means one, but is not one… "2 In Nietzsche's linguistically oriented interpretation, then, the multiplicity is consequently united under the dominant perspective and under the dominant viewpoint of language.

B) Nietzsche and Deleuze

Deleuze thinks Nietzsche differently in the sense of a materialism of immanence. There is no duality or union to be reported here, only variations and differences of the univoken intensity. Deleuze's becoming is located on the level of (open) totality and at the same time the continuous being is an immanence of everything, i.e. the one does not appear finite, but moves in the infinite undulations of the earth. The One always means One-All. Deleuze's univocity is not completely differentiated from being, on the contrary, the unity of the One is expressed for Deleuze in all multiblen permutations of being. Deleuze's univocal being is populated by infinite multiplicities. Or, to put it another way, every determined and finite event is relativized, and even the relative becoming is still relativized. The relative permutations or relative deterritorializations are based on absolute deterritorialization, virtual-real eternity.

Deleuze proposes against dialectics the entanglement of virtualization and actualization, and this could be related to the Nietzschean distinction (and unity) of the Dionysian and the Apollonian. For Deleuze, virtuality is not everything possible, but what is possible, was possible or will be possible in a specific time-space.3 The virtual/actual interconnections coexist by oscillating, in other words, a game of differences unwinds here. Deleuze inscribes the concept of differentiation into the difference between differentiation - difference as a determination of the idea or the virtual - and differentiation - actualization of an idea, whereby this is by no means a process of copying, but rather the scattering of virtual singularities (in their differential) on an plane of immanence, the virtual, dynamic field of forces, affects, passions and drives. The late Nietzsche speaks analogously of difference, power, tension and energies.

For Deleuze, the current is clear-broken, while the virtual is clear-dark; the latter holds the Dionysian idea. Deleuze also refers the virtual or the Dionysian to the musical or at least to sonic examples, such as the waterfall of the windmill or the sea near Leibniz. In Leibniz's work, the clear emerges from the darkness, and he suspects Dionysus at the tip of the balance of perception - think of the sound of the sea, which is clear because differential relationships and singularities are captured, and at the same time dark because it is not yet differentiated, not yet differentiated. Or think of the water mill: on the one hand, its noise is part of the whole because it is no longer perceived, on the other hand, it is itself a whole that emerges from the rhythmic rattling of the mill wheel and the noise of the water. The Dionysian is the realm of the virtual, the fuzzy, the formless, and the flow of energies and forces that differentiate and actualize themselves in the Apollonian, but whose clarity still bears the traces of the Dionysian.

Nietzsche seems to offer an artistic creation that takes place in a double-folded process. While the erupting artistic energies (Apollo and Dionysus) find an image in the Apollonian fold (dream images), the Dionysian fold is characterized by the destruction of these images. The relationship between the folds eliminates the question which comes first, because the forces always contain and influence each other. The two opposing forces are thus brought into resonance by Nietzsche, whereby he prevents the subject from reaching fullness from becoming to being. The artist never arrives as an identical subject, because his being is repeatedly crushed in the struggle between Apollo and Dionysus. That is why Nietzsche does not speak of the artist, for he always comes too late as an imitator of the natural process that is realized in an end product, namely always after the event: the non-artist is one who imitates the process in his works of art. The artist's ego is a fiction in the sense of modern aesthetics.4

Although the relationship between the two folds seems to be determined by a model/copy relationship, this relationship is not purely mimetic, but is characterized by the simulacrum, insofar as the passage between Apollo and Dionysus, between form and formlessness, is a simultaneous, continuous, and reversible process.5 Art cannot therefore actualize the immediate, but must point to the immediate. For Schopenhauer, this is the function of music. In Nietzsche's case, the question of updating cannot be answered immediately. In the beginning, the Dionysian artist (music; unity of harmony, rhythm and logos) must have identified himself with the primary unity, the suffering of existence, its pain and contradictions. The Dionysian is pre-dominant in The Birth of Tragedy, whereby the pessimism

the affirmation and productivism of Socratic dialectic. If the music has delivered a correct repetition and casting of the world, then it produces another image of this unity as organized music. As an Apollonian dream inspiration, this music appears as a symbolic dream image. Nietzsche uses the analogy of the dream to explain the Apollonian (the artist's pictorial activity). The reflection of the original pain in the music thus produces a second mirror as a specific symbol. The artist has already left his subjectivity to the Dionysian process. The image that now shows itself to him as identity is a dream scene that embodies the original pain and contradiction and is coupled with an original joy.

C) Nietzsche's Black Music Hole

Nietzsche tells little about music. He speaks of pre-Dionysian music that concentrates on the waves and beat of rhythm, whose formative power serves in particular to represent apollinic states, while Dionysian music prefers the emotional component of sound, the flow of melody and harmony, but all this remains vague. There are at least two types of music for Nietzsche. One music is of the Dionysian type; here the musician is an embodiment of the original unity, i.e. he produces a copy of that original unity as music. If music cannot be imagined without mimesis, then Nietzsche's relationship to resonance, distortion and noise must be considered. The other music is apollinic; it is added to the first type in a second mirror as a specific symbol. But the processes are also reversible. Chaos always requires the mediating representation in order to be thought of. For Nietzsche, the force of sound and the power of music are parts of the Dionysian (sound and harmony), although they cannot be heard and understood as music without their simultaneously Apollonian moment, which is identified in rhythm and metre.

The more tonal-harmonic quality of the Dionysian is tied to the more rhythmic-metric quality of the Apollonian. But why is the tone primary? Nietzsche genealogically derives the tone from the cry and intoxication and it always remains ambivalent within two organized time series, the horizontal and the vertical course (polyphony and harmony). It stands in relation and in tension to the preceding and following tone. At this point Nietzsche already knows the joyful sensation of dissonance.

The mimetic relationships of the two types of reflection are open to the simulacrum, which conveys the two types less than plays with them. Here the question arises how the (organized) music is related to the first type and whether it can still be heard as Dionysian music at all. There is no clear answer in Nietzsche as to whether the first type of music is audible, because it does not become clear how Nietzsche places the two types of music in a simulative relationship and how they are in resonance.6

Nietzsche's relationship to the mimetic is not clear either. Music is always one step away from primary unity. It can only be heard if it makes itself audible as a form, being formed within dynamic models and relationships. For the deterritorialization and reterritorialization of music, the distinction between the unformed and the formed is crucial. Deterritorialization, in turn, brings with it a destructuring of the already articulated music (we are dealing here with de- and reterritorializations of noise) and leads to a state that is still audible, but no longer as organized music; this kind of music is more tied to mimesis and does not require representation. A pure material beyond musical structures generates sounds that become monotonous and non-signifying. Articulated sound is deterritorialized noise that has somehow been reterritorialized, but now the sound is absolutely deterritorialized. It doesn't belong to any language of meaning, nor is it a song, although it may appear to be so. This is not about bringing the sound back into a framework of what is audible, but about thinking of it as undecidability (between what is audible and what is not). If one cannot theorize the first type of music, it is not because one cannot hear this music, but because it remains the unheard in the audible. Here, music asks for the direct, without updating it. The question of the direct is directed at something unthinkable or undecidable or at something that represents a new type of relation between the two areas between the real and the apparent, the will and the idea, the original and the copy: a problem of resonance and noise.

At this point, the thesis of metamorphosis creeps easily into the simulacrum, which is an immanent developmental principle that is updated by means of the musical term of the developing variation. A motivic germ cell develops into a musical piece through variation and translation. The polyphony is constitutive for this, uniting perspective complexity in the sense of bundling individual perspectives into an overall perspective. The polyphony organizes simultaneously horizontal course (melody) and vertical layering (harmony) by interlacing the two parts. However, this does not have to be harmonious and does not have to end in a single piece; rather, the dissonance and the piece work can have an effect, each already integrated into the event. But in a way this remains a process of reterritorialization.

The musical event is in time and its parameters are constituted by time: rhythm holds the quantized, intensely variable and undulating time; tone and harmony contain a qualitatively constructed time, while dynamics phrases time and condenses it into intensities and arcs of tension in the network of the musical event. The Dionysian music event no longer gives images, but creates transformations that do not allow conclusions about closed works.

Nietzsche also thinks of the event as a unity of art and festival, the latter being assigned three genealogical elements - intoxication, cruelty and sexuality. These three elements of the festival are the basis both for Nietzsche's early remarks on music and for his later concept of a "physiology of art". Nietzsche's inclusion of cruelty to determine artistic activity pays homage to the Dionysian metaphor, which is characterized by the necessary togetherness of creation and the destruction of forms. For Deleuze, cruelty is described as "the being of sensation" as "demons, carriers of signs" that bring us thinking.7 Note how Deleuze's main work Difference and Repetition begins with the lightning that flashes through the black sky and ends with the drops of the world swelling into a single ocean of excess.

The treatment of opposites, as it attempts to integrate the affirmation of every kind of suffering and negativity, represents an inclusive disjunction. In fact, Nietzsche describes Dionysian music "as the only counterforce against all will to deny life," thus understanding pessimism as a consequence of the higher power and abundance of life that can afford the luxury of tragedy. Deleuze also often enough invalidates Nietzsche's image of an all too gloomy pessimist.8 Deleuze likes to turn this image upside down and argues that Nietzsche is ultimately an unprecedented thinker of affirmation. Deleuze cannot erase the many moments of negativity that enrich Nietzsche's work. Deleuze often focuses too much on Nietzsche's aspects of creation, as illustrated in the passage of the fifty-eighth aphorism in Joyful Science: "Only as creators can we destroy the world! 9 Dissatisfied with Nietzsche's implicit goal of destruction, Deleuze reverses the phrase to "destroy to create "10.

The decisive step forward is the non-dialectical negation introduced by Deleuze himself, the difference that operates as a distance between two exclusive paths. This leads to the figure of the exclusive disjunction, the non-relation between the first, second and third terms, insofar as the third, the nomadic term, does not synthesize the other two terms, but radically separates itself from them by striving for a relationship to the outside.11 For us, this outside is the generic black as Laruelle thinks.12

D) Black music

Only in relation to the black as kruptos, which is closed to being, can one understand what Laruelle understands by the black universe. There is a transition from the color black, which one can see, to black as a non-color, which one cannot see, even more so, a transition to a nothing to see, which one can see again. Black is the non-color, the non-existence of a non-universe that precedes the possibility of the universe. According to Laruelle, this idea of the black is a cosmological principle. Black is constitutive for thinking and its limits. Separated from the world of which we form a human, all-too-human image, and from the earth on whose surface we live, there is an indifferent, opaque, black universe. The black, which precedes the light, is the substance of the universe, that which fled from the world before the world was born into the world. But we are always tempted to see the universe as something that is out there, the factory of the universe that you can see and feel, or a color, a purely phenomenological blackness. On the other hand, the black in the non-universe is to be thought of, which was not temporally before the universe, nor will come in some kind of cataclysm. It's always there, but you can't see it even though you see it. Black stands for radical infinity, has always been ultra-black. In music, the black is produced in material processes that are always those of negation, clicking, rapping and clonking, in order to obtain a noisy music in which there is nothing to be heard, although one hears it. And only by subtracting from the system of (organized) music can one hear the generic reality of blackness. Alexander Galloway refers at this point to the Haitian Constitution of 1804, which states that regardless of their skin colour, all citizens are called black.13 This pure blackness no longer refers to slavery, to the poor or to the indebted worker. Rather, it is about radical justice. And this blackness even overrides the "black music" as it is defined today in journalism and pop business. Kodwo Eshun writes in his book Heller als die Sonne that the machine music of Underground Resistance is unblack.14 But it is unblack only in relation to the canon of pop music defined by the white journalist and, of course, the moral canon of gospel and R&B defined by the blacks. The generic black, on the other hand, is the condition for a new jukebox that makes the generic black universe sound. Music as and in the black box is oriented towards a future that is completely detached from the past and present. It clearly identifies what was and what is, but only to destroy it when it plays a future that has never been played before. Ultimately, however, the future remains closed to history and the world, even black.15 Generic blackness also denies the endless dynamics between Dionysian and Apollonian.

Nietzsche approaches the idea of blackness without ever reaching it. In his criticism of Wagner, he speaks of the fact that, by interpreting German music as an expression of Dionysian superabundance, he overestimated the German essence, did not understand the source of modern darkening, and lacked a cultural-historical understanding of the origins of modern music.16 A music oriented towards the south is no longer German music, but "the prelude to a deeper, more powerful, perhaps more evil and more mysterious music. "17

This more evil and mysterious music refers to a new black music; it leads to a dangerous music (beyond good or evil) and culminates in an aesthetics of truth that is to be understood as sound that invents a direct sense of the real (noise). Hearing, too, is now directly in the real of music. There is a short circuit of the typical circle "composers create music and listeners interpret music" to announce. There may be a circularity, but in the tension of forces that are musical and audible, the two areas are irreducible to each other at the same time. The relation is a non-relation, it shows the access to the real in music. The non-musical aspect of all music is an a-synthetic relation between two things, a relation without synthesization: unilateral logic, in which two terms are not subordinated to a third term, but to the first term. The two terms and the relation are immanent to the first term, the real, whereby the second term is the clone of the first term. This generates a pure machinism - -non-music-non-stop-. The medium of sound, which no longer belongs to any order of the markings or the staff, remains a prerequisite. The order of the notes is so to speak noisy, namely in quanta, waves and frequencies. Here we understand music first and foremost as quantum physics when we ask about its conditions and the conditions of hearing: it is about that background noise that electronic music according to Deleuze can at least simulate by making audible the inaudible of noise, the swarming of sand on the beach, the waves of the sea, etc.

The noise is to be understood as observer-dependent and observer-independent, whereby the former can be measured via a system. The chaos that lies below or beyond human perceptions remains observer-independent. Chaos is the non-objectifiable nature of the real itself, which science presupposes is

stays. With the musical, the attempt immediately arises to shape the formless chaos, for example by repeating or shifting patterns, the search for rhythm, for temporally extended patterns that possess several parameters in an information-processing system: spatial (distance, motion/speed), temporal (infinite time scales versus finiteness) amplitude (inaudible silence versus sonic warfare), frequency (ultrasonic earthquakes versus infrasonic patterns). 18

Electronic music processes in a non-standard phase space in which periodic sine tones and non-periodic modulations/transformations oscillate to generate a radically inhuman, black music. However, this can also lead to the total, poor acceleration of all operators, up to an almost fatal adrenalization, as we find it in High Frequency Trading, which permanently produces randomness, whereby this ecology of lightning crashes and extremely high rates of change indicates an increasing global variability of price movements and at the same time the loss of the optimal trajectors of the system. The accelerations necessary to decode the codes of music and economy - it can also be decelerations - should not, however, lead to that Baudrillardian hyperreality in which every rejection of the symbolic leads to the radical extinction of the same or to a general trauma.

Black music, following Francois Laruelle, could be understood as the search for traces of the rhythmicity of rhythm as dance in rhythm, as an event of condensation. (Like all European music, Nietzsche underestimated the importance of rhythm.) Tic-Toc- fuck the clock! is the principle. The power of rhythm can be found, for example, in the irregulary Click Music. Black music then works with the click, which is to be understood as inherent stress when it falls on certain metrics. When black musicians listen to the clock, they don't hear the uniform tic tic, tic tic, but they hear "tic - toc - fuck the clock." Each beat is put under stress and this repetitive stress is the click clock in the music. Similar effects can also be achieved by what Kodwo Eshun calls "alien artifact updating".19 The stress effects here are produced by machine rhythms that transform the weightlessness of space into a "zero trauma. Eshun writes: "With X-102, the weightlessness of the usual ambient music becomes chamber/crater techno. Frequencies of shattering distortion, as if you were playing basketball with a wrecking ball on concrete." 20

The humanization of the universe into something sublime, as brought to life today by the beguilingly lulling ambient, techno and house music, is opposed by the sounding generically black universe. This implies the radical distance from the human and the direct turn to the real. Black music requires a radical ecology of rhythm, which forms a non-musical, unilateral rudiment. The rhythm, the inverse of silence, indicates a place into which the ritornello of the drum penetrates. Black music resists the inscriptions of the value that is the condition for money in all its registers, also resists the semiotic value or the beats and beats of the signifiers who count the tik tik of striking difference as price. It generates the supertrack, is flow in itself or the quantum with which its generators flood the metric of the signifier "ding ding ding ding".

1 NF, KSA 7, P. 204, 205.

2 NF, KSA 12, P. 104.

3 Ingo Zechner, Deleuze: The Song of Becoming. Munich 2003, p.103.

4Cf. Christoph Cox, Nietzsche, Dionysus, and the Ontology of Music.http://faculty.hampshire.edu/ccox/Cox.Nietzsche.Dionysus.Music.pdf. (Retrieved on 12.10.2016).

5Cf. Zafer Aracagök, Atopological Trilogy. Deleuze and Guattari. Brooklyn, New York 2015, p. 21ff.

6 See Aracagök, Atopological Trilogy. Deleuze and Guattari, 25.f.

7Gilles Deleuze, difference and repetition. Munich 1972, p.27.

8Cf. Andrew Culp, Dark Deleuze. Minneapolis 2016, p.9.

9FW, KSA 3, P. 422.

10Gilles Deleuze, The Lonely Island. Frankfurt/M. 2003, p. 186.

11Andrew Culp, Dark Deleuze. Minneapolis 2016, p. 20.

12Cf. Alexander Galloway, Laruelle. Against The Digital. Minneapolis, London 2014, p. 133ff.

13Galloway, Laruelle. Against The Digital, p. 145.

14Kodwo Eshun, brighter than the sun. Adventure in Sonic Fiction. Berlin 1999, p. 153.

15François Laruelle, Struggle and Utopia at the End Times of Philosophy. Minneapolis 2012, p. 18.

16JGB, KSA 5, S.

17Ibid,

18Cf. Inigo Wilkins, Irreversible Noise. London 2016.

19Kodwo Eshun, brighter than the sun. Adventure in Sonic Fiction, Berlin 1999, p. 156.

20Eshun, Brighter than the sun. Adventure in Sonic Fiction, p.157.

Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator

Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator

Der Beitrag How to create with and against Nietzsche a music box for blackness that is no longer a prelude to a deeper – more powerful – perhaps more evil – and more mysterious music, but the music itself: a non-music or a music utopia. erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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The radical indifference of Facebook & Co is deeply inscribed in capital https://non.copyriot.com/the-radical-indifference-of-facebook-co-is-deeply-inscribed-in-capital/ Sat, 09 Nov 2019 07:29:53 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12033

In her book Das Zeitalter des Überwachungskapitalismus Shosana Zuboff describes Facebook & Co as the masters of radical indifference. A new accumulation logic emerges in which the surveillance capital extracts human behavior and its seemingly useless surpluses, that is, absorbs data combined with other data to feed intelligent machines and produce predictions of behavior from their algorithmic processes that are sold as derivatives on behavioral futures markets. (Zuboff 2018: 125) In the process, the content evaporates into exchangeable material that is supposed to animate the consumer to somehow stay on the ball within the 24/7 clock by posting as much as possible himself and commenting, liking, exchanging and archiving posted material. There is a radical indifference on Facebook, which leads to the fact that "content is judged and measured exclusively by volume, diversity and depth of the surplus that accrues" (Zuboff 2018: 578), and that on the basis of the anonymous measures of "clicks, likes and duration of stay - and that despite the obvious fact that he (surplus) derives his profoundly different meanings from profoundly different human situations (ibid.). Thus the relationship between difference and consolidation/standardization has shifted. We still adhere to versity (equalization), an inversion and mutation of diversity that does not mean the elimination of difference or socio-cultural differentiation; on the contrary, versity uses difference as its real substrate to generate certain standardized organizational systems. New order systems and power technologies are constantly being generated that absorb or modulate differences. In radical indifference, on the other hand, there is no consolidation of the differences; rather, the differences, the most diverse contents, even the positive and negative, are regarded as equivalent. The differences that materialize in images, videos and texts are the meaningless raw material that is extracted and processed as a surplus of behavior by users. In this way, all differences are considered equivalent, or, to put it another way, each specific meaning dissolves in the stream of differences, which in turn means that there is a radical indifference towards meaning itself. Difference equals indifference, that was the formula. This kind of equivalence makes the visible, flowing text on Facebook generally susceptible to fake news, which the surveillance capitalists are happy to accept, as long as there are no objections, because ultimately every content counts for the black box or for the shadow text that the machine intelligence operates to supply sellable prediction products to advertisers on the behavioral derivative markets.

In the postfactual age, the incessant generation and interpretation of data is immanent, but this does not happen without the elimination of meaning itself. The liquefaction of meaning in the endless data pap as a result of the permanent search for patterns and correlations in the data sets produced does not mean, as assumed by Baudrillard with his simulation theory, that every specific meaning disappears and the signs circulate indifferently only in the Als-Ob, but that the extraction of meaning in itself is becoming more and more intensive, precisely because of the fact that it still has to be interpreted and interpreted, regardless of what is now meant in detail. This lies in the last instance in the future-oriented capitalization, which encompasses both money and bits in their exchangeability as well as an increase in capital that calculates the future, solely for the purpose of staging everything and everything as a financial investment, which, regardless of the underlying value to which it allegedly refers, is supposed to generate nothing but returns.

With regard to the exchangeability of bits, the computer proves to be a sign transformer that processes pure information, but not without content, but with arbitrary and exchangeable content. Just as money must be exchangeable for goods, regardless of which, bits must mean something, regardless of what they mean. Money and bits indicate communication exclusively under the aspect of the negation of a specific meaning. Or, to put it another way, to the exclusion of any meaning, except that it must be incessantly meant, so that the fact of being or the crossed perspective of meaning clearly comes to the fore here. For this reason, the current invasion of data does not lead to a loss of meaning, but to an overproduction of meaning that opposes the indifference of each specific meaning set by capital but it still has to be meant, otherwise the system would fall apart. This kind of overproduction of meaning constitutes the real loss of meaning.

So today the creative capacity of high-tech paranoia is less characterized by a lack of orientation knowledge than by the overproduction of meaning that results from the game that there is meaning at all. When meanings become interchangeable in multiple circulating artificial interpretation processes, out of which the struggles for interpretations first arise, then a mad search for meaning inevitably follows. While capital can certainly live with this kind of loss of meaning through the overproduction of meanings, this is not easily possible for the state, because as we have seen, with it the equivalence of all meanings is questioned if it is to be expelled as the point of view of all viewpoints.

One could say with Lacan that the unfiltered data stream is the realm of the real, while information and metadata represent reality, a world made intelligible by cognitive filters and technological infrastructures, which itself is composed of registers of the imaginary and the symbolic. Unwavering flow of data, information and opinions that react almost hysterically to each other, especially in social networks, as the same and different at every moment, in order to create delusional aggregates and illusions of any kind. But all this is by no means open in the sense that an observer sets the difference between before and after in such a way that he designates neither the one side nor the other, but the difference itself, namely the present, which in turn is itself a non-place

Der Beitrag The radical indifference of Facebook & Co is deeply inscribed in capital erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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WORLD RIOTS – A NEW CYCLE OF FIGHTING (1) https://non.copyriot.com/world-riots-a-new-cycle-of-fighting-1/ Fri, 08 Nov 2019 13:56:09 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12064

"There are decades when nothing happens. And there are weeks in which decades happen."
​Lenin ​Be
it France, Hong Kong, Ecuador, Haiti, Egypt, Algeria, Lebanon, Iraq,
Catalonia or Chile - the uprisings mark the beginning of a new cycle of
struggles.

The current Riots open up a political situation with
polar agents, insurgent rulers, who, however, are by no means confronted
by powerless rulers. "Only then" writes Lenin, "when the 'lower
classes' no longer want the old and the 'upper classes' can no longer do
it in the old way", would a "government crisis" be suitable to turn
into a revolutionary crisis. It will therefore be decisive that the
uprisings and crises of capital and state overlap in a specific way, or
better still that the balance of power shifts in favour of the governed
and thus becomes a dangerous ad hoc burden on the system.
However,
a systemic crisis can persist at a stable level for some time without
being resolved, if the social movements supporting the protests do not
oppose the rulers with specific programmes or demands, the fulfilment of
which would restore normality. The movements seem not to be satisfied
with the fulfilment of demands, they are extremely opposed to certain
reforms, but they do not try to decisively challenge the state
apparatus. This in turn creates among the governed a superimposition of
heterogeneous voices and a productive chaos that drives rather than
inhibits the dynamics of the struggles. The uprisings do not develop
according to a diffusionist model, i.e. they do not spread like a liquid
across a space, but in the best case they swing from one country to
another, become viral and emerge in streams of contagion, as we know
from the student movement of 1968. The uprising then feeds itself from
itself and, like a long-lasting wave, propels its apex in front of it,
accelerating to assume variable tempos. In the best case one would have
to deal with the simultaneity of the non-simultaneous and the
non-simultaneity of the simultaneous at the level of the world order.
But we are not there yet, even though the uprising in Chile, for
example, was inspired by the events in Ecuador. At least the Leninist
model of the weakest link in the chain no longer seems to play a role in
the international imperialist context.
​The
insurgent movements are characterised in all countries by the lack of a
hierarchical structure, there are no leaders, who today are almost the
counterpart of teamwork, no social democratic or Leninist programme. and
if demands are made, they must be corrected at any time. The new
revolts are symptomatic of a historical situation in which heterogeneous
inter-classist movements are first of all revealing the devastating
social conditions caused by neo-liberal policies in the last thirty
years, from privatisation in almost all states to the global financial
crisis and European austerity policy.

For a long time, not least
through the propaganda of its media, Chile was regarded as a successful
example of the neoliberal model, which, depending on the economic
situation of a country, is characterized by the privatization of the
social, tax cuts for the rich, real wage stagnation and the decline of
the welfare state, or the reduction of state expenditure, at the expense
of low-income sections of the population and those who do not have
access to high wages and/or financial assets and therefore have to go
into debt. The austerity policy includes a class specific put option,
which now has to exercise the majority of the population in many
countries. This policy does not simply favour the rich and the financial
elite, but in particular those who have large-scale access to the
financial markets and assets, or who own the latter, be it mortgage
contracts, loans or derivatives.

In Chile, the neoliberal
policies of the Chicago Boys introduced after the fall of Salvador
Allende in 1973 and the subsequent murderous wave of oppression of the
population were cosmetically softened by the transition to democracy,
but the essential characteristics of repressive oligarchic neoliberalism
were maintained. Chile had remarkably high growth after 1973; while
Chile was still in the center of Latin American countries in terms of
GDP per capita during 1960-70, it is now the richest country in Latin
America. And Chile was rewarded for its high economic growth by
membership in the OECD, a club of rich nations, the first South American
country to join it. ​In the 1980s and
1990s, the World Bank supported Chile's flexible labour market policy,
which consisted of smashing trade unions and imposing a model of
corporate bargaining between capitalists and workers, rather than
allowing a union as an umbrella organisation. The World Bank praised
Chile as a model of transparency and good governance. The brother of the
current Chilean president, one of the descendants of one of Chile's
richest families, Pinochet's brother became known for introducing a
funded pension system as Minister of Labor and Social Affairs, under
which workers had to pay compulsory contributions from their wages into a
pension fund in order to receive post-retirement pensions based, of
course, on the performance of the fund. Pensions were thus financed and
capitalised, with exorbitantly high fees that made managers rich. Today,
most Chilean pensioners receive $200-300 per month in a country whose
price level is about 80% of that of the United States.

Chile
leads Latin America in GDP per capita, but also in social inequality. In
2015, income inequality was higher than in any other Latin American
country except Colombia and Honduras. It even exceeded Brazil's high
social inequality. The lower 5% of the Chilean population have an income
level similar to that of the lower 5% in Mongolia, while the upper 2%
enjoy an income level similar to that of the upper 2% in Germany.

The
distribution of income in Chile is therefore extremely unequal, but it
is outperformed by the distribution of wealth. According to Forbes' 2014
figures, the total assets of Chilean billionaires (there were twelve)
amount to 25% of Chile's GDP. The next Latin American countries with the
highest concentrations of wealth are Mexico and Peru, where
billionaires account for about 13 percent of Chile's GDP. Chile is the
country in which the share of billionaires in GDP is the highest in the
world, and the wealth of Chilean billionaires even exceeds that of
Russians compared to the country's GDP. This extraordinary inequality of
wealth and income, combined with the complete privatization of social
services (water, electricity, etc.) and pensions, which depend on the
fluctuations of the stock market, has rarely been made visible, as Chile
has managed to increase its GDP per capita. But recent protests show
that making social inequality visible is far from enough.

The
uprising in Ecuador was an important element for the Chilean movement.
As part of an austerity agreement with the IMF, Ecuador's President
Lenín Moreno had planned to abolish petrol subsidies. He stubbornly
refused to change the austerity program with which he wanted to save
$1.4 billion a year. For the IMF's 4.2 billion US dollars in aid
payments, the government must further cut government spending. The
gallon of gasoline rose overnight from $1.85 to $2.30 as a result of the
subsidy cut, while the price of diesel exploded from $1.08 to $2.27.
The price of gasoline was cut from $1.85 to $2.30. The price of gasoline
was also cut from $1.08 to $2.27. As a result, the cost of local and
long-distance transport and, above all, the transport of goods naturally
increased, with food prices also rising. The indigenous CONAIE called
for the restoration of gasoline subsidies, but this was described as
non-negotiable, leading to direct mass actions on the streets -
government institutions, oil wells, highways were captured,
demonstrations and the so-called "cacerolazos" were organized, pickets
and barricades were set up, shops were plundered, tanks were torched,
police and military were captured and detained while the president was
forced to flee to Guayaquil. Thus ended a historical cycle of repressive
neoliberalism characterized by austerity measures, and at the same time
spread a new cycle of class struggle and intensified in the midst of
the current structure of globalization and imperialism. In just one
week, the indigenous sections of the population in particular abolished
an increase in the price of petrol demanded by the IMF. This Ecuadorian
victory diffused into the movement of Chilean youth, although the
technical and political class composition of the proletariat, the
standard of living, the political and economic system of Ecuador are
very different from those of Chile. ​The
revolts are not triggered - according to the trend - around the
omnipresent questions of climate change, but are circulation battles
that initially affect the price, distribution and consumption of goods.
Circulation describes a series of interrelated phenomena, namely what is
commonly called the market, the capital cycle, the realization of
previously produced goods on the market, and the various forms of labor
involved in the circulation of goods. When it comes to the subjects of
the struggles, those who are in the circulation struggle are, on the one
hand, those who have been pushed out of the sphere of production and,
on the other hand, those who cannot secure their own reproduction with
their wages. This happens precisely when massive deindustrialization
processes take place, i.e. when production decreases and capital flees
to the service sphere or to financial institutions which, according to
Marx, are located in the "noisy sphere of circulation".

Among the
insurgents are young people, the unemployed, carers, the self-employed,
drivers, other precarious workers and those who are completely out of
the normal production cycles. In addition, the struggles are joined on
the one hand by parts of the progressive middle class, and on the other
by parts of the surplus population and the lumpen proletariat. A
traditional labor struggle that could bring these different groups
together across regional and national borders seems impossible, but what
directly links classes and strata is the rising cost of the goods one
relies on for reproduction and the street response with the methods of
insurrection. So the uprisings are interclassist. The revolt began in
Chile with precarious youth, students and high school students, with
these groups quickly gaining support from sections of the left middle
class and the more traditional groups of the labor movement. Let us
recall Clover's distinction between riot and strike: the uprising is
historically and logically related to the strike: The strike is a
collective action that revolves around a) the level of the price of
labour and better working conditions, b) in which the workers are purely
in the position of the worker (not in the position of a proletarian
overcoming the system), and that c) takes place in the context of
capitalist production, while the uprising a) includes the struggle for
price fixing on the markets (circulation), b) does not initially unite
its participants, except that they are economically mostly completely
dispossessed, and c) takes place in the context of circulation.

One
of the peculiarities of states like Chile, Iraq, Lebanon, Ecuador etc.
is the existence and numerical importance of a subproletariat, an even
poorer social class than the workers, because it is not integrated into a
fixed wage system. The attempt of the rulers and the right to
criminalize the uprising consists in driving a wedge between the honest,
hard-working citizens on the one hand (including the peaceful
demonstrators) and the precarious youths, students, high school students
and ragged criminals on the other, in order to take away the dynamics
of the antagonism between the rulers and the governed. This kind of
criminalization of the movement is an important means of pacification,
and one also takes up the subjectivities of class politics, which then
seem to take on contours when, for example, a proletarian sees himself
far removed from a subproletarian in his social consciousness. However,
the workers in these semi-developed countries have no social guarantees,
so that the line between proletarian and subproletarian is often
blurred. You can be a proletarian and quickly downgraded to
subproletarian after dismissal, or you can be a born subproletarian and
become a proletarian if you get a permanent job in a company. ​The
battles are often triggered by the price increase of a product, which
in part then refers directly to the climate problem: Gasoline. Think of
the nationwide riots in Haiti triggered by the abolition of gasoline
subsidies, the repeated Gasolinazo protests in Mexico, or the
insrectionist struggle triggered by the increase in bus fares in Brazil.
Whenever access to transport becomes indispensable for reproduction due
to a lack of public infrastructure, fares become part of the value of
the commodity labour or, for the precarious, even part of subsistence
and thus the scene of massive confrontation. In 2018, the Gilet Jaunes
movement was born in France, immediately conquering the weapons of the
Riots: fires, blockades and barricades were a response to Macron's
attempt to raise fuel prices in order to allegedly curb climate change,
carried out on the backs of rural proletarians who need petrol to get to
work because of a lack of public transport in rural areas and the
backgrounds of cities.

In Haiti, gas shortages and price rises
have led to an open revolt, attacking a US-friendly government. And only
recently, Ecuador has been hit by an insurrectional wave in which the
indigenous population in particular has responded to an increase in
gasoline prices. One of the novelties in the Gilets Jaunes movement is
that the state is using climate change as an excuse to cut the social
costs of reproducing the population. It is easy to imagine how climate
change will be used in developed countries in the future as a government
tactic to enforce austerity measures. In this context, the struggles
against the increase in gasoline prices are by no means to be seen as
climate hostile, because ironically they go hand in hand with the
flaring of cars, truly a climate-friendly action of the insurgents.

Even
with the looting, the real neediness is not only free access to goods,
but on the horizon a world where life is no longer dependent on goods
production and capital. In Chile, it has again been shown that the
uprising, insofar as it does not remain reduced to the company level of
strikes, is directly political, because it is not only about the
withdrawal of fares, but about an attack on the state and its repressive
structures, on the Cunterinsurgency and the police. Statues and
monuments are constantly being dragged down, which shows that this is
not only about social reforms and Piñera's resignation, but also about
an ice-cold reckoning with the oligarchy, which has once again ruled the
country since the fall of the Salvador Allende government and is
brutally defending its power. Students and pupils organised large
meetings in Chile, which were quickly joined by other sections of the
population, and it was only a matter of time before the whole country
came to a standstill. Here, too, the struggle was triggered by increases
in fares, but it was quickly not just about the increase and the
scandal that transport had a price at all, but about resistance to the
capitalization of life. In the fights the insurgents quickly realize
that the main problem is not the price of transport or energy, but the
fact that fossil fuels are a commodity. All the cars on the road
transport the proletarians to a job they hate. And fossil fuels are
consumed to provide electricity for the networks of capital. The
spontaneity of the movement and its practical and radical critique of
the totality of capitalist-neoliberal living conditions must be
emphasized: Proletarian shopping in supermarkets, shopping malls,
pharmacies, banks, etc., the destruction of state infrastructures, the
rejection of repressive structures (police, criminal police and
military), and an intuitive and fragmentary critique of the totality of
capitalized life that one wants to completely change. ​The
insurgents are able to attack the police management rigorously, at
least for a short period, although they are confronted with a massive
brutalization and militarization of the police, which now shows on a
global level that their essence is violence. Nevertheless, there are
unexpectedly sharp riots, as in Hong Kong, for example. In Santiago,
ENEL's [a Chilean electricity company] company building burned down and
several subway stations were set on fire. The highly militarised states
usually govern with the declaration of a state of emergency and, as a
result, have the military patrol the streets. Nevertheless, there are
undreamt-of effects and energies in the riots, and nothing seems the
same as before. Despite the strong military presence on the streets,
barricades, attacks on state institutions and the sabotage of strategic
infrastructures for the movement of capital (toll stations on motorways,
subway stations partially destroyed, dozens of flared buses and cars,
etc.) continue. There are attacks on bank branches, numerous destroyed
ATMs, the siege of police stations and the looting of supermarkets and
large shopping centres. While the insurgents' demands, as in Hong Kong,
may not yet be anti-capitalist, the struggles have attacked the power of
the capitalist class, which governs Hong Kong and can de facto call its
own, and that of the Chinese Communist Party. The actions against the
police show that many in the movement have gradually lost confidence in
state institutions. Strikes and other mobilizations in enterprises
(hospitals, the airport, schools and universities, the public sector,
etc.) have challenged the legitimacy of capitalist relations.

The search for the true subject of an uprising always ignores the diversity of the masses. In France, for example, from the outset, not only the rural population but also urban populations and inhabitants of the banlieues were part of the yellow vests. And in general, those parts of the surplus population that are denied access to wages are linked to those workers whose wages are no longer sufficient to buy what is necessary for reproduction. And it is once again the young people who lead the actions, the pupils who are locked up in desolate grammar schools, who look like prisons, and who remain subject to savings actions. The tremendous dynamism of the students' movement is being expanded by a proletarian youth who are showing their subversive willingness to fight day after day on the streets. ​Even if the police management of the situation in the riots is interrupted for phases, at the same time the actions of the police become more brutal, or the penal system intensifies as in Chile. The insurgents often have to deal with an open state terrorism that is concealed by the capitalist media worldwide, but which is today captured by thousands of cameras and uploaded to the pages of the social media and the counter-information platforms. At the same time, the insurgents have realized that the essential function of the press in their own country is to distort or conceal the facts and create an ideological narrative that serves the interests of capital and the state. The repertoire of brutal attacks by the police is rich, ranging from arrests, notorious beatings, tear gas shot directly at the body, to the use of illegal prisons and murders. At the same time, the rulers deplore the considerable damage caused by the uprising, which, however germinal, is an attack on the private property of capital. In the productive chaos on the streets, a new kind of political class composition and social communication develops that challenges the normality of everyday life to date. Curfews are not respected and hatred of the police is on the rise. In the wild revolts, self-organization and meetings in the various districts are also taking place. It makes sense to bring the question of councils into play in the future, i.e. an institutionalizing anti-capitalist perspective from below, in order to counter the precarious and at the same time gloomy everyday life with an alternative, however sporadic. At the same time, proposals for reforms with which the government tries to take the dynamics out of the uprisings are categorically rejected. At the same time, there is no political force able to establish itself as the leader of the protests and engage in dialogue with the government. This creates confusion among those in power who do not know how to slow down the uprisings in their own way so that the old institutions and narratives can take hold again.

Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator

Der Beitrag WORLD RIOTS – A NEW CYCLE OF FIGHTING (1) erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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Hartz IV-Sanktionen – der strafende Staat bleibt erhalten https://non.copyriot.com/hartz-iv-sanktionen-der-strafende-staat-bleibt-erhalten/ Fri, 08 Nov 2019 10:20:35 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12061

Kommentar: Das Urteil zu den Hartz
IV-Sanktionen bestätigt das Prinzip von Fördern und Fordern und ist
deshalb kein Erfolg für Erwerbslosenbewegung

Wenn nach einem Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts scheinbar
alle zufrieden sind, dann weiß man, dass sich die höchste juristische
Instanz in Deutschland mal wieder als Gesamtkapitalist bestätigt hat.
Diese vornehmste Aufgabe der deutschen Justiz nahmen die Karlsruher
Richter bei der Entscheidungen über die Rechtswidrigkeit der Hartz
IV-Sanktionen besonders gründlich wahr.

Während fast alle Medien darauf verweisen, dass das Gericht die Hartz
IV-Sanktionen teilweise für verfassungswidrig erklärte, steht in der Presseerklärung erstmal über mehrere Absätze, dass das Gericht das Sanktionsregime insgesamt bestätigte:

Der Gesetzgeber kann die Inanspruchnahme existenzsichernder
Leistungen an den Nachranggrundsatz binden, solche Leistungen also nur
dann gewähren, wenn Menschen ihre Existenz nicht selbst sichern können.
Er kann erwerbsfähigen Bezieherinnen und Beziehern von Arbeitslosengeld
II auch zumutbare Mitwirkungspflichten zur Überwindung der eigenen
Bedürftigkeit auferlegen, und darf die Verletzung solcher Pflichten
sanktionieren, indem er vorübergehend staatliche Leistungen entzieht.

Aus der Pressemitteilung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

Danach erst geht das Gericht auf die leichten Korrekturen ein, die es dem Sanktionsregime verordnet hat.

Aufgrund der dadurch entstehenden außerordentlichen Belastung
gelten hierfür allerdings strenge Anforderungen der Verhältnismäßigkeit;
der sonst weite Einschätzungsspielraum des Gesetzgebers ist hier
beschränkt. Je länger die Regelungen in Kraft sind und der Gesetzgeber
damit deren Wirkungen fundiert einschätzen kann, desto weniger darf er
sich allein auf Annahmen stützen. Auch muss es den Betroffenen möglich
sein, in zumutbarer Weise die Voraussetzungen dafür zu schaffen, die
Leistung nach einer Minderung wieder zu erhalten.

Aus der Pressemitteilung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

Das Kernelement der höchstrichterlichen Entscheidung lautet:

Die in § 31a Abs. 1 Satz 1 SGB II normierte Höhe einer
Leistungsminderung von 30 % des maßgebenden Regelbedarfs ist nach den
derzeitigen Erkenntnissen verfassungsrechtlich nicht zu beanstanden.

Aus der Pressemitteilung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

Das heißt, vom absoluten Existenzminimum, das der Hartz IV-Satz
darstellt, dürfen zu Sanktionszwecken maximal 30% abgezogen werden. Die
staatliche Verelendungspolitik muss schon sehr weit verbreitet sein, um
in einer solchen Nachricht einen Erfolg zu sehen. Tatsächlich gab es
immer wieder auch Totalsanktionen, was bedeutete, dass die Betroffenen
auch kein Geld für Strom und Miete mehr hatten und häufig die Wohnung
verloren. Die Leistungen für Personen über 25 Jahre können in Zukunft
nicht mehr auf null gekürzt werden.

Wirkungsvoller Strafen mit dem Urteil

Zudem monierte das Gericht die starre Frist von 3 Monaten für eine
Sanktion mit einer Begründung, die noch einmal deutlich macht, dass es
mit dem Urteil die Intentionen des Gesetzgebers besser durchsetzen will.
Es geht um Strafen für mangelnde Mitwirkung. Da wirkt die starre
3-Monatsfrist kontraproduktiv, denn selbst, wenn die Betroffene nun
besonders eifrig mitwirken, blieb die Sanktionsfrist bisher bestehen
Jetzt urteilt das Gericht:

Da der Gesetzgeber an die Eigenverantwortung der Betroffenen
anknüpfen muss, wenn er existenzsichernde Leistungen suspendiert, weil
zumutbare Mitwirkung verweigert wird, ist dies nur zumutbar, wenn eine
solche Sanktion grundsätzlich endet, sobald die Mitwirkung erfolgt. Die
Bedürftigen müssen selbst die Voraussetzungen dafür schaffen können, die
Leistung tatsächlich wieder zu erhalten.

Aus der Pressemitteilung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

Schon in diesen Zeilen wird der ganze Zynismus des Sanktionsregime in
wenigen Sätzen zusammengefasst. Wenn jemand sanktioniert wird und er
dann zwangsweise doch kooperiert, aus Angst vor Hunger und
Wohnungsverlust, dann muss der strafende Staat flexibel reagieren und
die Sanktionen beenden. So produziert man auch besser dressierte
Untertanen, die gleich merken, wenn sie falsch gehandelt haben und wenn
nicht. Auch gegen eine Totalsanktionierung wendet sich das Gericht mit
dem Argument:

Auch gegen die Erforderlichkeit dieser Sanktion bestehen
erhebliche Bedenken. Der grundsätzliche Einschätzungsspielraum des
Gesetzgebers ist hier eng, weil die Sanktion eine gravierende Belastung
im grundrechtlich geschützten Bereich der menschenwürdigen Existenz
bewirkt. Er ist überschritten, weil in keiner Weise belegt ist, dass ein
Wegfall existenzsichernder Leistungen notwendig wäre, um die
angestrebten Ziele zu erreichen. Es ist offen, ob eine Minderung der
Regelbedarfsleistungen in geringerer Höhe, eine Verlängerung des
Minderungszeitraumes oder auch eine teilweise Umstellung von
Geldleistungen auf Sachleistungen und geldwerte Leistungen nicht genauso
wirksam oder sogar wirksamer wäre, weil die negativen Effekte der
Totalsanktion unterblieben.

Aus der Pressemitteilung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

Auch hier kann man aus jeder Zeile herauslesen, dass das Gericht mit
Politik und Staatsapparaten in dem Ziel einig ist, dass Menschen auch
mit Einkommensverlusten sanktioniert werden sollen, wenn sie nicht dabei
mitwirken, unter allen Umständen wieder eine Lohnarbeit zu finden.

Für Menschen unter 25 Jahre ändert sich nichts

Allerdings gelten auch die Begrenzungen der Sanktionen nicht für
Menschen unter 25 Jahren. Aber gerade in dieser Altersgruppe gab es in
der Vergangenheit oft besonders einschneidende Sanktionen So wurde es
jungen Erwachsenen unter 25 oft unmöglich gemacht, eigene Wohnung zu
beziehen, weil das Amt die Kosten für die Wohnung verweigerte.

Gerade diese Altersgruppe soll mit den Sanktionen den strafenden
Staat in seiner ganzen Härte kennenlernen. Das ist auch eine Form der
Konditionierung für ein Untertanenbewusstsein. Daher ist es auch
unwahrscheinlich, dass die Regierung den Forderungen der
Oppositionspartei Die Grünen nachkommt, in dieser Altersgruppe die
Sanktionen politisch abzuschaffen.

Während Teile der SPD zumindest verbal, etwas auf Abstand zu den von ihrer Partei vorangetriebenen Hartz IV-Reformen gegangen sind, gerieren sich die Unionsparteien als die Verteidiger der Gesetze. Daran wird sich auch durch das Urteil wenig ändern. Schließlich wollen die Parteien unterschiedliche Interessen bedienen.

"Aber es kann immer noch sanktioniert werden"

Inhaltsverzeichnis

  1. Hartz IV-Sanktionen - der strafende Staat bleibt erhalten

  2. "Aber es kann immer noch sanktioniert werden"


  3. Auf einer Seite lesen

Von Erwerbslosengruppe war die Gerichtsentscheidung bundesweit
mit großen Interesse verfolgt worden. Teilweise traf man sich, um die
Urteilsbegründung zu hören und zu kommentieren, beispielsweise bei der
Berliner Erwerbsloseninitiative Basta.

Dort war von Euphorie nach dem Urteil keine Rede. Die Stimmung bringt Claudia Krieg in der Tageszeitung Neues Deutschland so auf den Punkt:

"Ich finde es ein feiges Urteil", sagt Gitta Bremen. Soeben
hat die Hartz-VI-Bezieherin im Stadtteilladen in der Scherer Straße 8 in
Wedding die Urteilsverkündung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts (BVerfG) in
Karlsruhe zusammen mit 15 Menschen per Livestream verfolgt. Während der
Vizepräsident des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, Stephan Harbarth, die
Begründungen für die zukünftigen Einschränkungen bei den Sanktionen
verliest, sind die anderen Besucher*innen des Frühstücks, zu dem die
Erwerbsloseninitiative Basta eingeladen hat, in heftige Debatten
vertieft. "Aber es kann immer noch sanktioniert werden, und für die
unter 25-Jährigen ändert sich gar nichts", ruft jemand. Viele der
Anwesenden gehören zu den derzeit 351 900 Berliner*innen, die allein
oder in mehr als 325 000 Bedarfsgemeinschaften leben und Hartz-IV
Leistungen beziehen.

Claudia Krieg, Neues Deutschland

Das Kürzen geht weiter

Daher ist es etwas verwunderlich, dass das Bündnis "Auf Recht bestehen", in dem zahlreiche Erwerbslosengruppen kooperieren, im ersten Teil der Pressemitteilung
das Urteil begrüßt. Selbstverständlich ist jede noch so kleine
Minderung des Sanktionsregimes gut, weil es Menschen etwas weniger
drückt.

Doch die ausdrückliche Bestätigung des Sanktionsregimes durch das
Gericht kann eben nicht begrüßt werden. Denn genau damit wird das Regime
auch stabilisiert, weil nun allen Menschen, die für die Abschaffung der
Sanktionen eintreten, entgegengehalten wird, dass ja nun die Gerichte
gesprochen und Auswüchse unterbunden haben.

Da ist die Überschrift "Das Kürzen geht weiter",
die eine Erwerbslosenzeitung für das Urteil gewählt hat, schon
realistischer. Es ist natürlich begrüßenswert, dass sich das Bündnis
nicht mit dem Spruch aus Karlsruhe zufrieden gibt. So heißt es dort:

Im Namen des Bündnisses "Auf Recht bestehen" fordern wir daher, dass das bestehende Sanktionssystem im SGB II abgeschafft wird.

Bündnis "Auf Recht bestehen"

Damit sind sich die Erwerbslosengruppen einig mit der Initiative Sanktionsfrei.
Sie alle werden allerdings das Ziel nur erreichen, wenn es wieder eine
starke soziale Bewegung gibt, die die vollständige Abschaffung der
Sanktionen einfordert. Es sollte schließlich nicht vergessen werden,
dass es einmal eine starke Bewegung unter dem Motto "Weg mit Hartz IV"
gab, die ausgehend von Ostdeutschland für einige Monate Geschichte
geschrieben hat.

Die Politik dachte gar nicht daran, den Forderungen nachzukommen und
ließ die Bewegung ins Leere laufen. Der Journalist Sebastian Friedrich
erinnerte kürzlich in der Wochenzeitung Freitag an diese Bewegung und stellte die Frage,
ob deren Niederlage nicht auch dazu beigetragen hat, dass viele der
Prekären und Einkommensarmen mit Politik nichts mehr zu tun haben wollen
und mit den Parteien schon gar nicht…

Es gab allerdings auch später immer wieder Proteste gegen das Sanktionsregime vor und in Jobcentern, beispielsweise unter dem Motto Zahltag.
Diese Aktionen müssten auf jeden Fall verstärkt werden, wenn die
Sanktionen wirklich fallen sollen. Der Richterspruch aus Karlsruhe hat
dazu keinen Beitrag geleistet.

Sanktionen kein Problem?

Wie wenig auch Journalisten, die eigentlich die Sanktionen
kritisieren, von der Gewalt begriffen haben, die sie darstellen, machte
die Taz-Kommentatorin Ulrike Herrmann deutlich. Sie wollte eigentlich das Sanktionsregime angreifen und landet doch bei puren Zynismus, wenn sie schreibt:

Auf den ersten Blick scheint das Thema Sanktionen gar nicht
wichtig zu sein: In diesem Oktober gab es fast 3,8 Millionen
erwerbsfähige Hartz-IV-Empfänger - aber fast niemand hatte so großen
Ärger mit den Jobcentern, dass die Leistungen gekürzt worden wären.
Sanktionen sind sehr selten, wie die Statistik zeigt: Im Jahr 2018
wurden nur 3,2 Prozent der Langzeitarbeitslosen abgestraft.

Ulrike Herrmann

"Nur" 3,2 Prozent der Langzeitarbeitslosen? Ist es vorstellbar, dass
in der Taz ein Kommentar abgedruckt würde, in dem es heißt, dass für die
große Mehrheit der Frauen in Deutschland das Thema Gewalt nicht so
wichtig wäre, weil nicht alle davon betroffen sind?

Das macht auch deutlich, dass auch eher linksliberale Journalisten
sich schwer in die Lage von sanktionierten Hartz IV-Beziehern versetzen
können. Da wird dann die reale Gewalt bagatellisiert und werden die
Sanktionen kleingeschrieben.

Die exakten Zahlen der Sanktionen, mit denen angeblich kaum jemand Probleme hat, kann man in derselben Ausgabe der Taz erfahren:

Von Juli 2018 bis Juni 2019 sprachen die Jobcenter rund
878.000 Sanktionen aus, insgesamt waren 392.000
Hartz-IV-EmpfängerInnenbetroffen. Im Durchschnittwurde der
Hartz-VI-Satz um19 Prozent gekürzt, was 98 Euro entspricht - also fast
einem Viertel bei einem Regelsatz von 424 Euro. 2017 verhängte das
Jobcenter insgesamt 1 Million Sanktionen. Meldeversäumnisse sind seit
Jahren der häufigste Grund(77,7 Prozent), warum gekürzt wird, gefolgt
von der Weigerung, einen missliebigen Job anzutreten (10,7 Prozent),
sowie Nichterfüllung der Eingliederungsvereinbarung (8,7 Prozent) und
für 3,3 Prozent "Sonstige" . Überdurchschnittlich häufig tretenden
Sanktionen unter 25-Jährige, für diese Gruppe fällt die Bestrafung
weit härter aus.

Taz
taken from here

Der Beitrag Hartz IV-Sanktionen – der strafende Staat bleibt erhalten erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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7th Evade Chile 2019 Communiqué: Today everything is possible! https://non.copyriot.com/7th-evade-chile-2019-communique-today-everything-is-possible/ Thu, 07 Nov 2019 15:49:50 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12059

[FRONT OF FLYER]

Osorno [Chile] / 2.15AM / Saturday, Nov. 2nd

Today torrents of information are no longer about what is not
happening, about what I don’t have, about what I can’t do, nor buy, nor
aspire to because I don’t have money. Today the torrent of images which
flash on my smartphone screen are about what is happening all around me;
above all what we are suffering; above all about those who struggle;
above all about what is happening to me; about what pains me and the
anguish of the world I live in; about the misery of normality; and above
all also about everything that which here and now could be if we keep
alive this enthusiasm. At last images have meaning: it’s all about life
itself; about my life and those of everyone showing that at last we have
the opportunity to take it back. Today everything is possible.”

#EstoNoHaTerminado #ThisIsNotOverYet


[BACK OF FLYER]

In light of the uprisings these past days a Leftist deputy stated on
TV that to respond to the insurrection we are living in, the [Left’s]
political bench [in parliament] must consider “how do we involve people
in a change.” It’s evident that these satraps still do not understand
anything; they are too worried about losing their jobs as dispensers of
social justice. Change is already here and it was brought by, lived in
and revived by the masses from the liveliness found in the streets, in
the squares and in the towns!

We don’t want to be integrated into anything. It is
you, you scourges, who have to join in on our change and to that end you
have to step down from your sports car. We know all too well the old
vampirization of fresh blood for the economy and of [our] power to
reheat its frozen veins. Through the experiences of students which have
sat at your dialogue tables, to just end up being deceived, we learned
that the State apparatus is a dead mechanism, which only ends up drying
up the impulse of the living with agendas and compromises, which [the
State] likes to laud.

You cannot pretend to modify some problems by way of administrative
means which created those very relations. The much talked-over
“political de-legitimacy” does not only point to the de-legitimacy of
politicians: we no longer believe in political mediation as a way of
organizing the reproduction of our lives!

We want everything. Our struggle is not based on
particular demands: we know the ecological crisis is the other side of
the social crisis; that pollution is linked to industrial production;
that industry seeks profits at all costs; that profit comes from our
servile labor and that labor produces an abstract wealth that renders us
poor. ‪We seek to liberate ourselves from money, the commodity,
wage-labor, Capital & the State by organizing the production in
common of our very lives!”‬

We don’t need politicians or experts to come to show us how
to organize our lives. Our organization exists in the here and now
because this is how we have been able to survive with hunger wages.

While all the politicians and businessmen want us to “return to
normality” or “lower the fever of the situation”: we feel that we can’t
return to how it was before.

They ask us to “give them time,” that things “do not change
overnight.” But we have effectively seen how united we can change
everything; change our daily isolation, indolence; change those eternal
days at work where we feel we die, little by little, for a life that now
finds us, and compels us, onto the streets.

All of our demands can be immediately realized, but only if we realize them ourselves!

taken from here

Der Beitrag 7th Evade Chile 2019 Communiqué: Today everything is possible! erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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World Riots – Ein neuer Zyklus der Kämpfe (1) https://non.copyriot.com/world-riots-ein-neuer-zyklus-der-kaempfe-1/ Thu, 07 Nov 2019 09:47:07 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12055

"Es
gibt Dekaden, in denen nichts passiert. Und es gibt Wochen, in denen
sich Dekaden abspielen." Lenin

Sei
es Frankreich, Hongkong, Ecuador, Haiti, Ägypten, Algerien, Libanon,
Irak, Katalonien oder Chile - die Aufstände markieren den Beginn
eines neuen Zyklus von Kämpfen.

Die
derzeitigen Riots eröffnen eine politische Situation mit polaren
Agenten, aufständische Regierte, denen aber bisher keineswegs
ohnmächtige Regierende gegenüberstehen. »Erst dann« schreibt
Lenin, »wenn die ›Unterschichten‹ das Alte nicht mehr wollen und
die ›Oberschichten‹ in der alten Weise nicht mehr können«, sei
eine »Regierungskrise« geeignet, in eine revolutionäre Krise
umzuschlagen. Entscheidend wird also sein, dass die Aufstände und
die Krisenhaftigkeit des Kapitals sowie des Staates sich in
spezifischer Weise überlappen, besser noch die Kräfteverhältnisse
sich zugunsten der Regierten verschieben und auf diese Weise zu einer
gefährlichen ad hoc Belastung des Systems werden.

Allerdings kann eine Systemkrise eine gewisse Zeit auf einem stabilen Niveau auch anhalten, ohne gelöst zu werden, wenn die sozialen Bewegungen, die die Proteste tragen, den Regierenden gerade keine spezifischen Programme oder Forderungen entgegenstellen, mit deren Erfüllung dann die Normalität wiederhergestellt werden könnte. Die Bewegungen scheinen dann mit keiner Erfüllung von Forderungen zufrieden zu sein, sie sind extrem gegen bestimmte Reformen, aber sie versuchen nicht den Staatsapparat, entscheidend herauszufordern. Das schafft wiederum bei den Regierten eine Überlagerung von heterogenen Stimmen und ein produktives Chaos, das die Dynamik der Kämpfe eher vorantreibt als hemmt. Dabei entwickeln sich die Aufstände nicht nach einem diffusionistischen Modell, das heißt, sie verbreiten sich nicht wie eine Flüssigkeit über einen Raum hinweg, sondern im besten Fall schwingen sie von einem Land zum anderen, werden sie viral und entstehen in Strömen der Ansteckung, wie wir das etwa von Studentenbewegung 1968 her kennen. Der Aufstand speist sich dann aus sich selbst und treibt wie eine langanhaltende Welle seinen Scheitelpunkt vor sich her, beschleunigt, um variable Tempi anzunehmen. Im besten Fall hätte man es auf der Ebene der Weltordnung mit der Gleichzeitigkeit des Ungleichzeitigen und der Ungleichzeitigkeit des Gleichzeitigen zu tun. Aber so weit sind wir noch nicht, wenn auch der Aufstand in Chile beispielsweise von den Ereignissen in Ecuador inspiriert wurde. Zumindest scheint das leninistische Modell vom schwächsten Glied in der Kette im internationalen imperialistischen Zusammenhang keine Rolle mehr zu spielen.

Die
aufständischen Bewegungen zeichnen sich in allen Ländern durch das
Fehlen einer hierarchischen Struktur aus, es gibt keine Leader, die
ja heute geradezu das Pendant der Teamarbeit sind, kein
sozialdemokratisches oder leninistisches Programm. und wenn
Forderungen aufgestellt werden, sind sie jederzeit zu korrigieren.
Die neuen Revolten sind symptomatisch für eine historische
Situation, in der heterogene interklassistische Bewegungen zunächst
einmal die verheerenden sozialen Zustände aufdecken, die durch
neoliberale Politiken in den letzten dreißig Jahren verursacht
wurden, angefangen von Privatisierungen in fast allen Staaten über
die globale Finanzkrise bis hin zur europäischen Austeritätspolitik.

Chile
galt lange, nicht zuletzt durch die Propaganda seiner Medien immer
wieder neu inszeniert, als Erfolgsbeispiel des neoliberalen Modells,
das sich je nach der ökonomischen Situation eines Landes, durch
Privatisierung des Sozialen, Steuersenkungen für die Reichen,
Reallohnstagnation und Niedergang des Sozialstaats bzw. Senkung der
Staatsausgaben auszeichnet, die zu Lasten der einkommensschwachen
Bevölkerungsteile und derjenigen führt, die keinen Zugang zu hohen
Löhnen und/oder finanziellen Assets haben und sich auch deswegen
verschulden müssen. Die Austeritätspolitik inkludiert eine
klassenspezifische Put-Option, welche inzwischen in vielen Ländern
die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung auszuüben hat. Diese Politik
bevorzugt nicht einfach nur die Reichen und die Finanzeliten, sondern
im speziellen diejenigen, die im großen Stil Zugang zu den
Finanzmärkten und den Assets haben oder über letztere als Eigentum
verfügen, seien es Hypothekenverträge, Kredite und Derivate.

In
Chile wurden die nach dem Sturz von Salvador Allende 1973 eingeführte
neoliberale Politik der Chicago Boys und die darauf folgende
mörderische Welle der Unterdrückung der Bevölkerung zwar durch den
Übergang zur Demokratie kosmetisch etwas aufgeweicht, aber die
wesentlichen Merkmale eines repressiven oligarchischen
Neoliberalismus wurden beibehalten. Chile hatte nach 1973 ein
bemerkenswert hohes Wachstum zu vermelden; lag Chile während der
Jahre 1960-70 gemessen am Pro-Kopf-BIP noch in der Mitte der
lateinamerikanischen Länder, so ist es heute das reichste
lateinamerikanische Land. (Ein Faktor waren die hohen Preise für den
Hauptexportartikel Kupfer.) Und Chile wurde für das hohe ökonomische
Wachstum durch die Mitgliedschaft in der OECD, einem Club der reichen
Nationen, belohnt, es war das erste südamerikanischen Land, das ihm
beigetreten ist.

In
den 1980er-90er-Jahren unterstützte die Weltbank die flexible
Arbeitsmarktpolitik in Chile, die darin bestand, die Gewerkschaften
zu zerschlagen und ein Modell von Verhandlungen auf der Ebene der
Unternehmen zwischen Kapitalisten und Arbeitern durchzusetzen,
anstatt eine Gewerkschaft als Gesamtdachorganisation zu erlauben. Die
Weltbank lobte Chile als ein Modell für Transparenz und gute
Regierungsführung. Der Bruder des jetzigen chilenischen Präsidenten,
einer der Nachkommen einer der reichsten Familien Chiles, wurde
bekannt dafür, dass er als Minister für Arbeit und Soziales unter
Pinochet ein kapitalgedecktes Rentensystem einführte, bei dem die
Arbeiter Pflichtbeiträge aus ihrem Lohn in einen Pensionsfonds
einbezahlen mussten, um nach der Pensionierung Renten zu erhalten,
die natürlich auf der Performance des Fonds basieren. Die
Altersvorsorge wurde so finanzialisiert und kapitalisiert, wobei
zudem noch exorbitant hohe Gebühren erhoben wurden, welche die
Manager reich machten. Heute erhalten die meisten chilenischen
Rentner 200-300 $ pro Monat in einem Land, dessen Preisniveau etwa
bei 80% desjenigen der Vereinigten Staaten liegt.

Chile
ist in Lateinamerika zwar führend beim Pro-Kopf-BIP, führt aber
auch bei der sozialen Ungleichheit. Im Jahr 2015 war die
Einkommensungleichheit höher als in jedem anderen
lateinamerikanischen Land mit Ausnahme von Kolumbien und Honduras.
Sie übertraf sogar die hohe soziale Ungleichheit Brasiliens. Die
unteren 5% der chilenischen Bevölkerung haben ein Einkommensniveau,
das etwa dem der unteren 5% in der Mongolei entspricht, während die
oberen 2% ein Einkommensniveau genießen, das dem der oberen 2% in
Deutschland entspricht.

Die
Einkommensverteilung in Chile ist also äußerst ungleich, jedoch
wird sie von der Vermögensverteilung noch übertroffen. So beträgt
nach den Angaben von Forbes aus dem Jahr 2014 das Gesamtvermögen der
chilenischen Milliardäre (es gab zwölf ) 25% des chilenischen BIP.
Die nächsten lateinamerikanischen Länder mit den höchsten
Vermögenskonzentrationen sind Mexiko und Peru, wo der
Vermögensanteil der Milliardäre etwa bei 13 Prozent des
chilenischen BIP beträgt. Chile ist das Land, in dem der Anteil der
Milliardäre am BIP der höchste der Welt ist, der Reichtum der
chilenischen Milliardäre übersteigt im Vergleich zum BIP des Landes
sogar den der Russen. Diese außerordentliche Ungleichheit von
Reichtum und Einkommen, kombiniert mit der vollständigen
Privatisierung sozialer Dienstleistungen (Wasser, Strom usw.) und
Renten, die von den Fluktuationen des Aktienmarktes abhängen, wurden
bisher selten sichtbar gemacht, da es Chile gelungen ist, sein BIP
pro Kopf zu steigern. Aber die jüngsten Proteste zeigen, dass eine
Sichtbarmachung der sozialen Ungleichheit längst nicht ausreicht.

Der
Aufstand in Ecuador war
ein
wichtiges
Element
für
die
chilenische
Bewegung. Ecuadors
Präsident Lenín
Moreno hatte
als Teil eines Austeritätsabkommen mit dem IWF geplant, die
Subventionen für Benzin abzuschaffen. Er
weigerte
sich hartnäckig, das Sparprogramm
zu verändern,
mit dem er pro Jahr 1,4 Milliarden US-Dollar einsparen wollte.
Für die IWF-Hilfszahlungen von 4,2 Milliarden US-Dollar muss die
Regierung die Staatsausgaben weiter
zusammenstreichen.
Die Gallone Benzin stieg durch die Subventionsstreichung über Nacht
von 1,85 auf 2,30 US-Dollar an, während
der
Dieselpreis von 1,08 auf 2,27 US-Dollar explodierte.
In der Folge erhöhten sich natürlich

die Kosten für den Nah- und Fernverkehr und vor allem die der
Warentransporte, womit
die
Lebensmittelpreise
auch anstiegen.
Der Indigenen-Verband CONAIE forderte
die Wiederherstellung der Benzinsubventionen,
aber genau das
wurde als unverhandelbar bezeichnet,
sodass
es
zu
direkten Aktionen der Massen auf
den Straßen kam - Regierungsinstitutionen,
Ölquellen, Autobahnen wurden eingenommen, Demonstrationen und die
sogenannten »Topfschlag-Proteste« (cacerolazos) organisiert,
Streikposten und Barrikaden errichtet, Geschäfte geplündert,
Panzer abgefackelt, Polizisten und Militärs gefangen genommen und
festgehalten, während
der
Präsident
gezwungen
war,
nach Guayaquil zu fliehen. Damit endete
ein historischer Zyklus des
repressiven Neoliberalismus,
der durch Sparmaßnahmen charakterisiert war, und zugleich
verbreitet sich ein
neuer Zyklus des Klassenkampfes und intensiviert sich inmitten der
gegenwärtigen Struktur
der Globalisierung und des Imperialismus.

In
nur einer Woche schafften vor
allem die indigenen Teile der Bevölkerung eine
vom IWF geforderte Erhöhung des Benzinpreises ab. Dieser
ecuadorianische Sieg diffundierte
in die Bewegung der chilenischen Jugendlichen, obgleich die
technische und politische Klassenzusammensetzung
des
Proletariats,
der Lebensstandard, das politische und wirtschaftliche System
Ecuadors sich stark von denen Chiles unterscheidet.

Die
Revolten lösen sich nicht - dem Trend - nach um die allgegenwärtigen
Fragen des Klimawandels aus, sondern es sind Zirkulationskämpfe, die
zunächst den Preis, die Verteilung und die Konsumtion von Waren
betreffen. Die Zirkulation beschreibt eine Reihe von miteinander
verbundenen Phänomenen, nämlich das, was man gemeinhin den Markt
nennt, den Kapitalkreislauf, die Realisierung von vorher produzierten
Waren auf dem Markt, und die verschiedenen Formen von Arbeit, die bei
der Zirkulation von Waren anfallen. Wenn es um die Subjekte der
Kämpfe geht, dann befinden sich im Zirkulationskampf zum einen
diejenigen, die aus der Sphäre der Produktion  gedrängt
wurden, zum anderen diejenigen, die mit ihrem Lohn ihre eigenen
Reproduktion nicht sichern können. Dies passiert genau dann, wenn
massive Deindustrialisierungsprozesse vonstatten gehen, die
Produktion also abnimmt und das Kapital in die Dienstleistungssphäre
oder in finanzielle Institutionen flüchtet, die laut Marx in der
»geräuschvollen  Sphäre der Zirkulation« verortet sind.

Zu
den Aufständischen gehören Jugendliche, Arbeitslose, Pflegekräfte,
Selbständige, Fahrer, anderweitige prekäre Arbeiter und ganz aus
den normalen Produktionskreisläufen Ausgestoßene. Darüber hinaus
schließen sich den Kämpfen zum einen Teile der fortschrittlichen
Mittelschicht, zum anderen Teile der Surplusbevölkerung bzw. des
Lumpenproletariats an. Ein traditioneller Arbeitskampf, der diese
verschiedenen Gruppen über Regional- und Nationalgrenzen hinweg
zusammenbringen könnte, scheint unmöglich, was jedoch unmittelbar
eine Verbindung zwischen den Klassen und Schichten herstellt, sind
die steigenden Kosten der Waren, auf die man zur Reproduktion
angewiesen ist, sowie die Antwort auf der Straße mit den Methoden
des Aufstands. So sind die Aufstände also interklassistisch. Die
Revolte begann in Chile mit prekären Jugendlichen, Studenten und
Gymnasiasten, wobei diese Gruppen schnell Unterstützung von Teilen
der linken Mittelschicht und der eher traditionellen Gruppen der
Arbeiterbewegung fanden. Erinnern wir uns an dieser Stelle wieder an
Clovers Unterscheidung zwischen Riot und Streik: Der Aufstand steht
historisch und logisch in einem ganz bestimmten Verhältnis zum
Streik: Der Streik ist eine kollektive Aktion, die sich um a) díe
Höhe des Preises der Arbeitskraft und um bessere Arbeitsbedingungen
dreht, b) in der sich die Arbeiter rein in der Position des Arbeiters
(nicht in der Position eines das System überwindenden Proletariers)
befinden, und die c) im Kontext der kapitalistischen Produktion
stattfindet, während der Aufstand a) den Kampf um die
Preisfestsetzung an den Märkten (Zirkulation) inkludiert, b) seine
Teilnehmer zunächst nicht vereint, außer dass sie ökonomisch
meistens ganz enteignet sind, und c) im Kontext der Zirkulation
stattfindet.

Eine
der Besonderheiten von Staaten wie Chile, Irak, Libanon, Ecuador etc.
ist die Existenz und zahlenmäßige Bedeutung eines Subproletariats,
einer noch ärmeren sozialen Schicht als die Arbeiter, weil sie nicht
in ein festes Lohnsystem integriert ist. Der Versuch der Regierenden
und der Rechten den Aufstand zu kriminalisieren, besteht darin, einen
Keil zwischen die ehrlichen, fleißigen Bürger einerseits (inklusive
der friedlich Demonstrierenden) und die prekären Jugendlichen,
Studenten, Gymnasiasten und lumpenhaften Kriminellen zu treiben, um
damit dem Antagonismus zwischen Regierenden und Regierten die Dynamik
zu nehmen. Diese Art der Kriminalisierung der Bewegung ist ein
wichtiges Mittel der Befriedung, zudem man die klassenpolitischen
Subjektivitäten aufgreift, die dann scheinbar Konturen annehmen,
wenn sich beispielsweise ein Proletarier in seinem sozialen
Bewusstsein von sich selbst weit von einem Subproletarier entfernt
sieht. Allerdings haben die Arbeiter in diesen halbentwickelten
Ländern keine sozialen Garantien, sodass die Grenze zwischen
Proletarier und Subproletraier oft verschwimmt. Man kann ein
Proletarier sein und nach einer Entlassung schnell zum Subproletarier
herabgestuft werden, oder ein geborener Subproletarier sein und ein
Proletarier werden, wenn man einen festen Job in einem Unternehmen
bekommt.

Die Kämpfe werden oft mit der Preiserhöhung einer Ware ausgelöst, was zum Teil dann doch direkt auf das Klimaproblem verweist: Benzin. Man denke an die durch Streichung der Benzinsubventionen ausgelösten landesweiten Riots in Haiti, die wiederholt auftretenden Gasolinazo Proteste in Mexiko, oder an den insrrektionistischen Kampf, der durch die Erhöhung der Fahrpreise für Busse in Brasiliennausgelöst wurde. Immer dann, wenn der Zugang zu Verkehrsmitteln wegen einer fehlenden öffentlichen Infrastruktur unerlässlich für die Reproduktion wird, werden die Fahrpreise Teil des Werts der Ware Arbeitskraft oder bei den Prekären gar Teil der Subsistenz und damit zum Schauplatz für massive Auseinandersetzungen. Im Jahr 2018 entstand die Bewegung der Gilet Jaunes in Frankreich, indem sie sofort die Waffen des Riots eroberte: Brände, Blockaden und Barrikaden waren eine Antwort auf Macrons Versuch die Benzinpreise zu erhöhen, um damit angeblich dem Klimawandel Einhalt zu gebieten, und dies ausgetragen auf dem Rücken der ländlichen Proletarier, die Benzin benötigen, um zum Arbeitsplatz zu gelangen, weil man es mit fehlenden öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln in den ländlichen Regionen und den Hinterlandschaften der Städte zu tun hat.

In
Haiti haben Benzinknappheit und Preisaufschwünge zu einer offenen
Revolte geführt, wobei eine US-freundliche Regierung angegriffen
wurde. Und erst vor kurzem wurde Ecuador von einer insurrektionalen
Welle erfasst, bei der vor
allem
die indigene Bevölkerung auf einen Anstieg der Benzinpreise
reagierte.. Eine der Neuheiten in Zusammenhang mit der Bewegung der
Gilets Jaunes ist, dass der Staat den
Klimawandel
als Ausrede dafür benutzt, die Sozialkosten für die Reproduktion
der
Bevölkerung zu
kürzen.
Man kann sich wahrlich
gut vorstellen wie in den entwickelten Ländern der
Klimawandel
in Zukunft als staatliche Taktik
zur Durchsetzung von Austeritätsmaßnahmen gebraucht wird. In
diesem
Kontext sind die
Kämpfe
gegen die
Erhöhung der
Benzinpreise
keineswegs
als klimafeindlich
zu begreifen,
denn
sie gehen ironischerweise
mit
dem Abfackeln von Autos einher, wahrlich eine klimafreundliche
Aktion der Aufständischen.

Selbst noch bei den Plünderungen ist die wirkliche Bedürftigkeit nicht allein der freie Zugang zu den Waren, sondern am Horizont eine Welt, in der das Leben nicht länger abhängig von der Warenproduktion und dem Kapital ist. In Chile hat sich wieder gezeigt, dass der Aufstand, insofern er nicht auf der Betriebsebene der Streiks reduziert bleibt, unmittelbar politisch ist, weil es eben längst nicht nur um die Rücknahme von Fahrpreisen geht, sondern um einen Angriff auf den Staat und seiner repressiven Strukturen, auf die Cunterinsurgency und die Polizei. Ständig werden Statuen und Denkmäler geschleift, woran man sieht, dass es längst nicht nur um Sozialreformen und den Abtritt Piñeras geht, sondern auch um eine eiskalte Abrechnung mit der Oligarchie, die das Land seit dem Sturz der Regierung von Salvador Allende wieder beherrscht und ihre Macht brutal verteidigt. Studenten und Schüler organisierten in Chile große Versammlungen, der sich schnell andere Bevölkerungsteile anschlossen und es war nur eine Frage der Zeit, bis das ganze Land zum Stillstand kam. Auch hier wurde der Kampf zwar ausgelöst durch Fahrpreiserhöhungen, aber es ging schnell nicht nur um die Erhöhung und um den Skandal, dass der Transport überhaupt einen Preis hat, sondern es ging um den Widerstand gegen die Kapitalisierung des ganzen Lebens. In den Kämpfen bemerken die Aufständischen schnell, dass das Hauptproblem nicht die Fahr- oder Energiepreise sind, sondern dass Faktum, dass fossile Brennstoffe eine Ware sind. All die Automobile auf der Straße transportieren die Proletarier zu einer Arbeit, die sie hassen. Und die fossilen Brennstoffe werden konsumiert, um Elektrizität für die Netzwerke des Kapitals zu liefern. Dabei ist die Spontaneität der Bewegung und ihre praktische und radikale Kritik an der Gesamtheit der kapitalistisch-neoliberalen Lebensumstände hervorzuheben: Proletarischer Einkauf in den Supermärkten, Shopping Malls, Apotheken, Banken etc., die Zerstörung der staatlichen Infrastrukturen, Ablehnung der repressiven Strukturen (Polizei, Kriminalpolizei und Militär) und eine intuitive und fragmentarische Kritik an der Gesamtheit des durchkapitalisierten Lebens, das man ganz verändern will.

Es
gelingt den Aufständischen zumindest für eine kurze Phase das
polizeiliche Management rigoros anzugreifen, obgleich sie es mit
einer massiven Brutalisierung und Militarsisierung der Polizei zu tun
bekommen, die nun auf globaler Ebene zeigt, dass ihre Essenz die
Gewalt ist. Dennoch kommt kommt es zu unerwartet scharfen Unruhen
wie beispielsweise in Hongkong. In Santiago brannte das Firmengebäude
von ENEL [einem in Chile tätigen Elektrizitätsunternehmern] und
mehrere U-Bahn-Stationen wurden angezündet. Die hochmilitarisierten
Staaten regieren darauf meistens mit der Verhängung des
Ausnahmezustands und lassen infolge das Militär in den Straßen
patrouillieren. Dennoch gibt es bei den Aufständen ungeahnte Effekte
und Energien und nichts scheint wie früher. Trotz der starken
militärischen Präsenz auf den Straßen kommt weiter es zu
Barrikaden, Angriffen auf staatliche Einrichtungen und zur Sabotage
strategischer Infrastrukturen für den Kapitalverkehr (Mautstationen
auf Autobahnen, U-Bahn-Stationen werden teilweise zerstört, Dutzende
von abgefackelten Bussen und Autos etc.). Es gibt Angriffe auf
Bankfilialen, zahlreiche zerstörte Geldautomaten, die Belagerung von
Polizeiwachen und die Plünderung von Supermärkten und großen
Einkaufszentren. Mögen die Forderungen der Aufständischen wie in
Hongkong auch noch nicht antikapitalistisch sein, so hat man mit den
Kämpfen die Macht der kapitalistischen Klasse, welche Hongkong
regiert und de facto ihr Eigentum nennen kann, sowie die der KP
Chinas angegriffen. Die Aktionen gegen die Polizei zeigen, dass viele
in der Bewegung das Vertrauen in staatliche Institutionen nach und
nach verloren haben. Streiks und andere Mobilisierungen in Betrieben
(Krankenhäusern, dem Flughafen, Schulen und Universitäten, dem
öffentlichen Sektor usw.) haben die Legitimität kapitalistischer
Verhältnisse in Frage gestellt.

Die
Suche nach dem wahren Subjekt eines Aufstandes verkennt immer die
Mannigfaltigkeit der Masse. So waren in Frankreich von Anfang an
neben der Landbevölkerung auch städtische Bevölkerungsteile und
Einwohner der Banlieues Teil der Gelbwesten. Und ganz allgemein
verbinden sich in den Zirkulationskämpfen diejenigen Teile der
Surplusbevölkerung, denen der Zugang zum Lohn verwehrt bleibt, mit
denjenigen Arbeitenden. deren Löhne nicht länger ausreichen, das
zur Reproduktion Notwendige zu kaufen. Und es sind wieder einmal die
Jugendlichen, die die Aktionen anführen, Schüler, die in trostlosen
Gymnasien eingesperrt sind, die wie Gefängnisse aussehen, und zudem
Sparaktionen unterworfen bleiben. Die ungeheure Dynamik der Bewegung
der Schüler und Studenten wird von einer proletarischen Jugend
erweitert, die ihre subversive Kampfbereitschaft Tag für Tag auf den
Straßen zeigt.

Auch wenn das polizeiliche Management der Situation in den Aufständen für Phasen unterbrochen wird, so werden gleichzeitig die Aktionen der Polizei brutaler, oder es intensiviert sich wie in Chile das Strafsystem. Oft haben es die Aufständischen mit einem offenen Staatsterrorismus zu tun, der von den kapitalistischen Medien weltweit verschwiegen wird, der aber heute von Tausenden von Kameras festgehalten und auf die Seiten der Social Media und der Gegeninformationsplattformen hochgeladen wird. Gleichzeitig haben die Aufständischen erkannt, dass die wesentliche Funktion der Presse im eigenen Land darin besteht, die Fakten zu verzerren oder zu verschweigen und ein ideologisches Narrativ zu erstellen, das den Interessen des Kapitals und des Staates dient. Das Repertoire der brutalen Angriffe seitens der Polizei ist reichhaltig, es reicht von Verhaftungen, notorischem Prügel, Tränengas, das direkt auf den Körper geschossen wird, über die Nutzung illegaler Haftanstalten bis hin zu Morden. Die Regierenden beklagen gleichzeitig die erheblichen Schäden des Aufstands, die, wenn auch noch so keimhaft, einen Angriff auf das Privateigentum des Kapitals darstellen. Dabei entwickelt sich im produktiven Chaos auf der Straße eine neue Art der politischen Klassenzusammensetzung und der sozialen Kommunikation, die die bisherige Normalität des Alltagslebens herausfordern. Ausgangssperren werden nicht respektiert und der Hass auf die Polizei steigt kontinuierlich an. Im Ansatz kommt es in den wilden Revolten auch zur Selbstorganisation und zu Versammlungen in den verschiedenen Stadtvierteln. Es liegt nahe, die Frage der Räte zukünftig ins Spiel zu bringen, i.e. eine institutionalisierende antikapitalistische Perspektive von unten, um dem prekarisierten und zugleich trübsinnigen Alltag eine wenn auch noch so sporadische Alternative entgegenzusetzen. Gleichzeitig werden Vorschläge für Reformen, mit denen die Regierung versucht, die Dynamik aus den Aufständen herauszunehmen, kategorisch abgelehnt. Zugleich gibt es keine politische Kraft, die in der Lage wäre, sich als Führung der Proteste zu etablieren und einen Dialog mit der Regierung zu führen. Das stiftet Verwirrung bei den Regierenden, die nicht wissen, wie man die Aufstände auf eigene Weise verlangsamt, damit die alten Institutionen und Narrative wieder greifen können.

Der Beitrag World Riots – Ein neuer Zyklus der Kämpfe (1) erschien zuerst auf non.copyriot.com.

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Kojin Karatani and the Historotranscendental Logic of Capital https://non.copyriot.com/kojin-karatani-and-the-historotranscendental-logic-of-capital/ Thu, 07 Nov 2019 08:11:00 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12028

If one wants to follow the Japanese philosopher Kojin Karatani, Marx has posed the problem of the value form and value in the course of the theoretical treatment of the antinomy of intrinsic value and value relativism. (Cf. Karatani 2003) For Marx, this problem presented itself as follows with regard to the various currents of bourgeois political economy in the 19th century: On the one hand, there was Ricardo's political economy, which is based purely on an intrinsic labor value theory and whose legacy is generally considered to be Marx. On the other hand, Marx was confronted at an early stage with the positions of Samuel Bailey, who in 1825 sharply criticized Ricardo for mistakenly understanding work or working time as a substance of value and thus making it an intrinsic property of things. (MEGA II/3.4: 1319). Bailey argued that value was an exclusively relational phenomenon, today we would say that value exists only as a so-called marker that indicates how goods are related to each other and convertible (into money) in order to finally be exchanged. While for Ricardo the value simply measures the work that is objectified in the goods, for Bailey the value has a purely relational implication, with Bailey paying little attention to money as the medium/form in which these relations are represented - i.e., Bailey simply forgets the simple fact that goods have never been exchanged on a larger scale directly against each other, for instance in the context of a simple production of goods that many Marxists still conceive as a real-historical stage following Engels. In the case of Bailey, the fact that the system of value relations could be considerably affected by the change of a single item is now aggravating - provided one grasps the value exclusively as the relation of the goods to one another. And it looks as if Bailey would have to reintroduce money as a zero sign or as an absent center for purely tactical reasons to support his synchronous system, in order to be able to display or fake something like stability in the economy. (Cf. Karatani 2003: 213f.) On the other hand, in Ricardo's classical labor value theory, the concept of value functions as a completely different kind of theoretical rationalization in economics, with Ricardo conceiving human labor as the substance common to all commodities, through which the rational distribution into the various sectors of production is then controlled as a principle.

In Karatani's view, Marx has now elaborated his own concept of the value form as a kind of transcritic located between the poles of Bailey and Ricardo. (ibid.) Karatani thus argues that Marx implicitly introduces his "critique of political economy" to a parallactic view, namely of the antinomy between Bailey's subjective relationist value theory and Ricardo's objective labor value theory. Karatani Marxens does not see the solution of Kant's antinomy problem in the reduction of one theory to the other or in a dialectical synthesis of the two theories, but rather, as Marx has just done, in understanding the antinomy itself as irreducible, as an irreducible gap between the two theoretical positions, the structural gap between them. (Cf. Žižek 2006: 24) (Parallax is equal to the angle between two straight lines that are directed from the shifting positions of a subject to the same point - an object against a background. The subject and object remain related to each other in such a way that a shift in the epistemological view of the subject involves an ontological alteration of the object, which in a way returns a gaze that transcends the subject - the eye has always been the canvas and not the camera.)

In contrast to the concept of transcendence, the Kantian concept of transcendenceality contains a moment of inner-worldliness, inasmuch as the transcendental is presupposed as a principle of things and relationships in the world, a principle "by which experience is necessarily subjected a priori to our ideas". (Deleuze 2008: 40-41) The transcendental condition (which refers neither to Noumena nor to things per se) is, as we have seen in the discussion with Laruelle, to be understood in the Kantian sense as universal and contains, independently of experience, an a priori of ideas with the criteria of generality and necessity, but always also refers to experience. Nevertheless, the transcendental must not be understood as empirically grounded, since it does not exist in experience, while on the other hand, in a certain sense, it is nothing but empirically grounded.

Thus the transcendental initially resembles a borderline concept. In the break with the Kantian a priori, which refers to ideas that do not spring from experience (although they cannot do without it), a non-metaphysical, historical a priori could be conceived, which is presupposed to the actions and thinking as an inescapable form, which in turn remains related to the quasi-transcendenceality of capital. Kant believed that what he called "transcendental apperception" (of the subject) would completely collapse if it were actually atomized as Hume, for example, assumed. Kant rejected on the one hand rationalism as metaphysics, the Cartesian cogito as an entity of res cogitans identical with itself, on the other hand he tried to show that Hume's variety of fleeting sensory data has always been the product of mediation, and this in the form of an intelligible sensibility, the power of imagination, which is more reflexive and abstract than any mere addition of sensations. In a certain way Kant invented the power of imagination as the supporting symbolic form, as the in-between of sensuality and understanding, he "overcame" the antinomy of empiricism and rationalism, which in his opinion had been the blind spot of all philosophers until then, without deciding for one of the two possibilities himself or synthesizing it purely imaginarily, as one could well assume if one were prepared to take two steps with Kant: On the one hand to understand transcendental aesthetics as the introduction of "pure contemplation", while on the other hand to understand transcendental analytics with its mechanism of schematism, which occupies an intermediate position between contemplation and concept, as the completion of synthesis, with which the power of imagination actually succeeds in bringing contemplation and understanding together on the basis of pure contemplation, namely as the sensualization of transcendence and the desensualization of contemplation. However, Adorno had already noticed that the so-called pure views are nothing but concepts, which points to the fact that the material on which the categorial work is active is already preformed, with which it is more appropriate to speak of "forms of viewing". Moreover, the (transcendental) subject can be problematized if the subject of transcendental apperception, on the one hand, is thought self-reflexive, but, on the other hand, by no means can be reduced to the schematism of empirical multiplicity, with the result that the subject would only emerge in the gap or in the rift or in the parallax between Phaenomenon and Noumenon, as the cleavage of the ego in time. (Cf. Žižek 2006: 26f.) The determinability of the "I am" through the "I think" is regulated in time. Thus the indefinite existence of the "I am", which is implied by the Cogito, can only be determined as the existence of a passive I, i.e. through time with its current, but above all virtual memories. (Cf. Deleuze 1992a: 119f.) The ego of the Cogito concretizes itself in risky simultaneity, which, however, cannot be had without temporal shifts; the ego is a flake that is transported in time in the process of differentiation.

For Karatani, an analogy to Marx arises at this point with regard to Kant's critique of Hume, in that Marx sees that the capitalist order would actually break apart if the value relations were so atomized or relative as Bailey, for example, assumed, and as the neoclassical marginalists postulate to this day in a certain way. According to Karatani, Marx makes use of a Kantian-inspired, transcendental argument when it brings value form analysis into play against both Bailey's nominalist-inspired rejection of the category of value and Ricardo's essentialist labor value theory. Karatani further argues that value and added value, as presented in Vol. 1 of Capital, indicate the transcendental conditions of the possibility of capitalism, with which we never empirically encounter value and added value, empirically we always encounter only prices and profits. (Karatani 2003: 241f.) Analogous to Kant's first critique, in which he exposes the transcendental conditions of the possibility of every experience, describe Marx in Vol.1 of capital, says Karatani, while Marx, analogous to Kant's third critique of singular experiences (the question of how to get from singular multiplicities to the transcendental conditions that generate and presuppose them at the same time), examines the (empirical) correlations between the individual capitals in Volume 3, but at this point also asks about the transcendental conditions, the actualization of which would lead to the realization of profits for

single capitals through the movement of the competition. And just as Kant's third critique introduces an antinomy between a) the universal nature of aesthetic judgment (which must be universally accepted), and b) the unfounded singularity of each individual judgment, so, according to Karatani Marx in Capital Vol. 3, the antinomy between a) the foundation of prices in value and profit in added value (Thesis: Ricardo), and b) the relative independence of prices from value and profit from added value (Antithesis: Bailey) accentuates. (ibid.: 133f.) While Bailey thus determines the price independently of the value and thus internally and purely relationally, namely as a result of the play of supply and demand, Ricardo considers the input of working time in his labour value theory to be the factor that solely determines the value.

Oetzel took another path in the Kant-Marx debate during the theoretical aftermath of the student movement with his book Value Abstraction and Experience, when he attempted to problematize the constellation of empirical quantities of goods on the one hand and the transcendental nature of money on the other by resorting to Kant's chapter on Schematism in order to arrive at the following conclusion: "That is, in the schema, the subsumption of the view under the intellect is carried out beforehand, so that it has generally become possible by means of the schema. Not otherwise with money: the utility value can be subsumed under the value by means of money, because in money it is exclusively subsumed under it. In the scheme we look at all objects of experience purely, just as in money we look at all social products purely. Just as money embodies the tangible horizon of the commodity world, so the scheme represents the 'audible' (Heidegger) horizon of the world of experience." (Oetzel 1979: 150) And Oetzel further concludes that the value of money extends its ontological basis to the extent that capital finally subsumes its material-technical side in real terms, so that at the moment when scientific-technical dispositives begin to dominate the production processes, the "static value form of money" translates into the "dynamic, technical value form of the machine" and thus the transcendental only becomes general. (ibid.) Oetzel is quite right in saying that the attempt at a naive separation of work process and exploitation process, without considering that capitalist technology sui generis represents the natural form of capital, rests on the imagination that one could once again project into the capitalist development of productive forces a humanity with which the objectification of the ontological metabolism between man and nature will find a worthy conclusion in and history in the sense of a work that has come to itself. However, in addition to the questioning of a thoroughly questionable two-stage model of the value form, which Oetzel also historicized, it would be necessary to ask at this point above all the question of whether Oetzel is the synthesis achievement of the power of imagination (qua schematism), which, according to the concepts of understanding, should a priori be applied to all forms of sensuality, does not take too seriously, and thus, as Deleuze says, follows a theological principle which, in the sense of recognition, was Kant's, but which, after all, cannot easily be transferred to Marx's problems. Also the Marxian objective thought form (not form of existence), as Žižek again argues against Karatani, is not identical with Kant's status of the transcendental subject, because that would include, among other things, the equation of the transcendental subject with the notions of capital (including the ideological forms of knowledge), which, incidentally, is quite related to the equation of Hegel's automatic subject with the notion of capital, and this would be thought far too simply. To understand neither as phenomenal nor noumenal, the transcendental subject for Žižek proves to be purely empty and formal. (Žižek 2006: 24f.) The a priori of capital, on the other hand, at least in its discursive representation, should be written as if it could certainly update itself in everything empirical and implant itself entirely in the sensual, for it is always and everywhere needed where something is only lacking, and this absurdly still presents itself as if capital were the work or the potential energy itself, which expresses itself in each individual phenomenon.

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ALTER- : A REACTION TO THE ALTERMODERNISM IN SOUND ART https://non.copyriot.com/alter-a-reaction-to-the-altermodernism-in-sound-art/ Wed, 06 Nov 2019 15:58:14 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12049

For
the Automatisme - Alter-
album. I am inspired by how the art historian Nicolas Bourriaud is
defining the Altermodernism. Bourriaud is understanding the term
"Alter" as a way to mean "other". The
altermodernism would be another modernity that is different from the
avant-garde modernism and post-modernism. More precisely, this is a
new paradigm from the XXIe century with alternative ways to motivate
artists to be more radical in art by traveling in the physical and
digital world, by cutting the frontiers and by creating other time
lines. I am applying the "alter" subject to time and to
landscape and those, to the rhythmic and the ambient glitch music.

1-
THE ALBUM HAVE A RHYTHMIC SIDE AND A LANDSCAPE SIDE.

1-
a : The rhythmic tracks are named Alter-Rate. That means that i
am offering other types of rhythms by calculating beats with time
rate experimentations. The form of the rhytmic tracks, expresses a
course, a wandering, which, in the altermodern life, is not just in a
standard 4/4 , or just grid based or non-grid based, but it's in a
complex hybrid of all of those.

1-
b : The ambient tracks are named Alter-Scape. That means that i
am offering another type of landScapes
by a freeze temporality and not a random time or the time of the
nature. Alter-Scape tracks mimic the saturated globalized soundscapes
of the XXIe century.

2-
THE GLOBALISED AND SATURATED TIME

For
Bourriaud, the artists are responding to a new globalised perception.
They traverse a cultural landscape saturated with signs and create
new pathways between multiple formats of expression and
communication.
The
Alter-
album is creating saturated rhythms Rates
and saturated time froze ambient soundScapes.
The
specific context within which we live is the age of globalisation.
In this album, it means that globalised or always evolving rhythm
Rates
are in constant movement and are also different every time an
Alter-Rate track is exported or performed. On the other hand, a
globalised landScape
is a fixed time effect ambient track. In the era of the altermodern,
displacement has become a method of depiction.
The movement of the sound of the
Alter-
album are two things. The first is the rhythms that makes time
movement become apparent and the second is an ambient frozen time
that makes possible to feel and to analyze the movement effect of our
surroundings.

3-
THE CONSTANT TENSION STATE OF ART

For
Gilles Deleuze, art is in a constant state of tension, in as much as
it oscillates between the poles of chaos and order.
The
Alter-
album is a tension between chaos and order in rhythmic beat tracks
and ambient soundscapes tracks. It is a deterritorialization of the
rhythms and the ambiances of today's natural and digital landscapes
and it brings them into the computer glitch music format.

By
pushing new softwares to their limits. I
am pushing at the extreme the software capacity to calculate and to
generate sounds The Alter-Rate tracks are experimenting time rates
and rhythms with using probability and artificial intelligence based
sequencers. The partition signal is starting from a master sequencer
that gets into every instrument on a track. Each instrument is
receiving this signal and modulating it with other sequencers that
are each programed differently in each instrument. Finally, all the
instrument signals are returning to a master output that is using a
stutter effect that, at its turn, is sequencing the whole channels
into one single rhythm. In short, a single rate is merging and
expanding into a vast archipelago of rates and its transformation is
returning into a new single rate. The Alter-Scape tracks are
experimenting midi triggers that give the sensation of a
timelessness. Multiple reverb effects are also routed into each other
to create soundscapes of continuity. About the type of sounds
created in this album, i am experimenting deep frequency modulation
synthesis (FM) on every Alter-Rate and Alter-Scape tracks.

I put a few layers in the tracks to be able to focus on the time. They are generative track that every parameters are using probabilities. This is something that was not possible some years ago. The computers are enough powerful to generate that now. I am exporting many times the tracks and pushing the computers to their limits by making hard for them to calculate and generate the tracks by deep, pointillist and extreme programming. These techniques are doing slightly different versions, each time that i am exporting or performing a track and in my opinion, this is opening a fresh and innovative way to do new experimental club music and ambient music. The computer has its own limits too.

Live Concert in Frankfurt, Sa. 23.11. at 0no2

check here

Album out in January 2020 on Mille Plateaux

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Althusser and the “Problem” in Philosophy https://non.copyriot.com/althusser-and-the-problem-in-philosophy/ Wed, 06 Nov 2019 08:54:32 +0000 https://non.copyriot.com/?p=12030

Deleuze's philosophy of virtuality has simply put the non-creationist construction of problems, concepts and their relations before interpretation. Similarly, Althusser has formulated this in several passages of Das Kapital Lesen 1 when he writes that the production of a problem constellation and the concepts unfolding it is to be understood as the effect of a new theory. This new theory first of all develops a field of theoretical knowledge within which the problem is constructed, for which in turn the invention of very specific concepts is necessary. Althusser concludes that it is only by establishing a structured order within a problem that concepts take their position in a field, their meaning and their consistency in order to vary with the respective problem. The problem is the "gravitational centre from which the order and the different parts of this text (subject, language, terminology, method, problems and their solutions) originate". (Karsz 1975: 27) For Althusser, the mere attempt to start from the solutions presents itself as ideological in the sense that the problem is then presented in such a way that the solution one wants to give it actually corresponds to the alleged real solution, i.e. one constructs the problem entirely with regard to the solution currently demanded by socio-economic conditions.) For Althusser as for Deleuze, however, the "solutions" result from the constellation of the concepts, relations and topologies sketching the problem and not vice versa. The solution is produced immanently with the configuration of the components, parameters and relations of terms that articulate the problem, but it also differs from the problem. And just as the problems are not easily revealed in the solutions, so, conversely, the solutions can also obscure problems, which at this level already points to the complex translation procedures of problems and solutions. And the production of orders, constellations and translation processes as problems or the theoretical means of production for the production of knowledge are already organized linguistically/written. Also with regard to the problem of the representation of economic structures, one is constantly confronted with new theoretical productions, so that "outdated" productions ultimately find no place any more, whereby it must be borne in mind that the relations and elements of the structures in their interaction can only be interpreted in a fragmentary or crisis-like way, i.e. the work as a "construction site".

In this context, Althusser's process of a recurrence of the history of science, also called "symptomical reading", points out that no text should be subjected to a teleological way of thinking that aligns it with a goal. On the contrary, the respective inadequacy should be sought in an internal comparison of the text with itself, which has always been permeated by heterogeneous discourse structures. Althusser can therefore write of the problem as a "conceptual working instrument of theoretical practice" that constantly keeps both the objects (data, information, concepts, ideas, etc.) and the production of them in tension and openness. And finally, he differentiates between the problematic and the scientific object with regard to the respective epistemological effect in theory: While the problematic with its respective structure defines the field of possible objects, the strictly scientific theory possesses a structured and hierarchized whole that only completely detaches it from all ideologies or traditional ideas. And the task of philosophy is precisely to describe this division without, however, interfering with the theoretical practice of the individual sciences. With its operations, philosophy, as at least the Althusser of the middle phase sees it, examines the interplay of problems, objects and discourses in the sciences, and this without direct intervention. Thus, for Althusser, the epistemological structure of a science only reveals itself against the background of a philosophy that succeeds in problematizing the history of epistemological structures, insofar as the sciences actually produce new theoretical objects. This happened with Marx, so that at the same time a new type of philosophy could emerge that would have broken with the mediation of mind and matter or the subject-object problem. However, Marx did not succeed in formulating and unfolding the scientific concepts, which were already effective under the surface in his theoretical production, and it is precisely this that proves to be the task of a Marxist philosophy today. Philosophy should by no means play itself up as the ultimate judge in the sense of a science of the sciences, but should, in addition to the construction of the history of the sciences, examine the internal discourse structure of singular theories and thus show how under certain conditions in theory itself immanently regulated scientific effects of knowledge to be regulated come about, without philosophy on the one hand giving transcendental guarantees for this, and on the other hand delivering mere collections of historical theories with which the respective stringent object of the theory cannot be grasped. The epistemological effect of philosophical analysis would thus consist in the description of the specific epistemological effect of a regional science with its axioms, hypotheses, conclusive lines of argumentation, categorical conciseness, methods, experimental apparatuses, empirical operationalizability, political relevance and problematics, i.e. all the discursivities of a theory that indicate "how a word becomes a concept, a conceptual system becomes a problem, and a theoretical montage becomes knowledge". (ibid.: 251) The theory must face the criteria of justification to be determined pragmatically, without initiating a final justification. At the same time, philosophy should consider its relationship to non-philosophy insofar as it cannot be separated from the economic, political and social conditions that affect it and on which it influences. Therefore, there are three things to consider here: a) the structure of a singular science should be examined, the opening up of new problematics, conceptual fields, methods, instruments and objects; b) the scientific environment should be defined that has influenced and is influenced by a theoretical break; c) the historical socio-economic conditions in which the respective sciences and their institutions work should be taken into account. Although philosophy constantly draws new concepts and theories from the sciences, absorbs them in a specific way, and then constructs new "objects", it does not itself possess the same objects as the sciences. And as philosophy that rejects the gesture of traditional philosophy of ultimately recurring to the dualisms of mind and matter and/or subject and object, it can only be a "non-philosophical theory of philosophy," as Althusser himself writes, and in so doing he actually puts a fuse on Laruelles' conception of non-philosophy.

Foto: Bernhard Weber

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